NUPIs forskningssenter på Asia

Norge som mål for utenlandske investeringer: Trender og forklaringer

Utenlandske investeringer er en viktig del av økonomien i mange land. Det gjelder også Norge, hvor utenlandskontrollerte foretak sysselsetter 21 prosent av arbeidstakerne i privat næringsliv. Samtidig vet vi at strømmene av investeringer internasjonalt er i endring, med vekst i aktiviteten fra stater som tidligere har investert lite utenlands. Det gjelder spesielt Kina, men også India, Russland og noen andre ikke-tradisjonelle investorland. I denne artikkelen studerer vi hvordan Norges posisjon som destinasjon for investeringer endrer seg. Vi diskuterer utviklingen i lys av etablerte teorier innen samfunnsøkonomi og statsvitenskap.

Kina balanserer på en tynn line

Kronikk om Kinas balansegang knyttet til krigen i Ukraina.

The Russia-Ukraine Crisis and Japan’s Energy Dilemma

The war in Ukraine is a game changer not only disrupting financial markets and human migration patterns but also the global energy landscape. As European countries announce their plans to phase out and divert energy imports from Russia, the question of how to make up the difference looms large. One solution is to increase energy independence through a greater shift to more renewables. In East Asia, Japan also finds itself in a heightened energy dilemma. A resource poor island nation with one of the lowest energy self-sufficiency rates in the OECD of 11.2 per cent in 2020, Japan is particularly vulnerable to shocks in global energy markets. With EU states’ energy policies in flux after Russian President Vladimir Putin’s invasion, it is uncertain if Japanese policymakers and voters are committed to shifting away from nuclear power and redoubling efforts to reduce fossil fuel usage.

RESOLVED: Japan Should Maintain Investments in Russian Oil and Gas Projects

In this issue of Debating Japan, experts assess Japan’s investments in Russian oil and gas and whether Japan should fully divest from Russian energy.

Evolving Japan–NATO Relations in the Leadup to the Madrid Summit

In response to growing security concerns in East Asia, Japan has increased its engagement with NATO at both the organisational and individual member-state level.

Japan ruster opp

Japan kan få det tredje største forsvarsbudsjettet i verden, skriver Wrenn Yennie Lindgren og Per Erik Solli i denne DN-kronikken.

The Economics of Strategic Stability in US-China relations

The economic aspects of strategic stability tend to come second place in the study of US-China relations. For good reason, scholars have focussed on the military aspects of strategic stability, including the role of emerging technology and cyber capabilities, in this most important geopolitical relationship. Yet, considering the ongoing War on Ukraine, as well as tensions over Taiwan, it is worthwhile considering the effect coercive economic tools such as tariffs, sanctions and embargoes, can have on wider strategic stability.

China’s coercive diplomacy: Why it’s on the rise and what it means for Scandinavia

Amid a wider deterioration of relations between China and the West since around 2018, the Chinese government has stepped up its use of economic coercion and other types of non-military coercive measures, targeting Western countries that challenge its core interests. The observed change is distinctive in both quantitative and qualitative terms as the Chinese authorities have not only employed coercive measures more frequently, but also across a wider set of policy objectives than previously. Using a revised dataset, the Brief offers new insights into these development trends, demonstrating how they are driven primarily by perceived violations of China’s expanding development interests. The Brief discusses the findings in the specific context of the Scandinavian countries which have also found themselves on the receiving end of China’s coercive diplomacy.

More bark than bite? Assessing China’s coercive measures in Scandinavia

På bakgrunn av den økende oppmerksomheten rundt kinesisk tvangsdiplomati, undersøker denne artikkelen i hvilken grad Beijing har tydd til slike tiltak i Skandinavia, basert på casestudier av nyere diplomatiske konflikter med Danmark og Sverige. Ved å skille mellom faktisk bruk av, og trusler om, økonomisk maktbruk, finner artikkelen få tilfeller hvor Kina har iverksatt økonomisk tvangsdiplomati. Dette på tross av at kinesiske myndigheter gjentatte ganger har advart svenske myndigheter om negative konsekvenser av å krenke Kinas interesser, samtidig som Beijing ofte uttrykker sinne og frustrasjon over opplevde provokasjoner fra danske myndigheter og NGOer. Gapet mellom kinesisk retorikk og faktisk ihverksatt økonomisk press har dermed vist seg å være større i Norges naboland. I en bredere geografisk kontekst, gitt et økende antall tilfeller av kinesisk økonomisk maktbruk i andre regioner, fremstår imidlertid risikoen for at Norge igjen blir utsatt for økonomisk press som uendret.

The China-Europe Freight Train and the War in Ukraine:Triumph and Tribulations in Transcontinental Shipping

I denne policy briefen analyserer professor Xiangming Chen China-Europe Freight Train (CEFT), som er flaggskipet i Kinas belte- og vei-initiativ (BRI). Chen evaluerer CEFTs omfang, effektivitet og tilpasningsdyktighet basert på den senere tids geopolitiske utviklingstrekk, spesielt krigen i Ukraina.

The Role of External Powers in EU–Asia Security Relations

Dette kapittelet kartlegger endringene i rollene til USA, Russland og India som sikkerhetsaktører i Øst-Asia, og deres innflytelse på EUs utenriks- og sikkerhetspolitikk i regionen. Kapittelet undersøker de viktigste politiske utviklingene implementert av disse tre aktørene siden 1990, og hvor politikken overlapper med eller skiller seg fra EUs tilnærming over en rekke tradisjonelle og utradisjonelle sikkerhetsspørsmål. Kapittelet konkluderer med at EUs utfordring er å videreføre sine interesser, og øke effektene, til politikken og instrumentene i Asia, med hensyn til potensialet for samarbeid og rivalisering med USA, Russland og India, tre veldig ulike aktører som divergerer betraktelig i både strategiske intensjoner og evner.

Local and Global Aspects of Coal in the ASEAN Countries

De siste tiårene har kullutvinning og kullkraft vokst raskt i Sørøst-Asia. Kull spiller en stadig mer dominerende rolle i regionale energisystemer, svekker energisikkerheten i alle landene i regionen bortsett fra Indonesia, undergraver nasjonalt bestemte bidrag (NDCer) til Paris-avtalen, og forsterker eksisterende politiske motsetninger. Forbruk av kull har velkjente konsekvenser for folkehelse, landbruk, vannsikkerhet og økonomi. Mange av disse blir forsterket i Sørøst-Asia, som er tettbefolket og har lite vind og dyrkbar jord. Paradoksalt nok fører det kortsiktige fokuset på å holde kostnader nede til betydelig langsiktig økonomisk risiko, fordi prisen på fornybar energi stadig faller, mens ASEAN-landene fortsetter å investere i kullkraft.

Vietnam's solar and wind power success: Policy implications for the other ASEAN countries

Denne studien analyserer hvilke faktorer som har bidratt til den raske veksten i sol- og vindkraft i Vietnam og hva de andre ASEAN-landene kan lære av Vietnams erfaring. Studien viser at utbyggingskostnader, trygghet for investeringer og utbygging av kraftnettet er viktige for å oppnå rask utbygging av fornybar kraft i Sydøst-Asia.

Chinese digi-tech politics: Steering growth, spurring innovation, and reinforcing control

Kina er en voksende makt innen digital teknologi (digi-tek) og er en ledende leverandør av digi-tek ressurser internasjonalt. Kinas digi-tek vekst bidrar til å skape vekstmuligheter i andre utviklingsland, men fører også til bekymring rundt digital sikkerhet og beskyttelsen av individuelle rettigheter. Digi-tek står i sentrum for stormaktrivaliseringen som utspiller seg mellom Kina og USA. I denne briefen studerer vi driverne og implikasjonene av kinesisk digi-tek politikk, også med et blikk mot norske digi-tek interesser.

The Nordic shift: China’s uphill battle for public approval in northern Europe

En ny spørreundersøkelse viser at selv frihandelsentusiastene i Europas nordlige hjørne revurderer sine holdninger til kinesiske investeringer, skriver forfatterne i denne kronikken.

Conventional Counterforce Dilemmas: South Korea's Deterrence Strategy and Stability on the Korean Peninsula

Som svar på Nord-Koreas atomvåpenprogram har Sør-Korea i det stille utviklet en konvensjonell avskrekkingsstrategi. Denne strategien er unik: Ingen stater har tidligere forsøkt å avskrekke en kjernefysisk mostander utelukkende med konvensjonelle våpen. Hvorfor har Sør-Korea utviklet denne strategien og hvilken innvirkning vil den ha på den strategisk stabiliteten på den koreanske halvøya? Vi hevder Sør-Koreas strategi bør forstås som både en kort- og langsiktig garderingsstrategi. Strategiens avskrekkende effekt, selv om den er usikker, kan sikre Sør-Korea på kort sikt dersom USA trekker seg fra sine allianseforspliktelser. På lang sikt styrker evner som avanserte ballistiske missiler og kryssermissiler Sør-Koreas evne til å utvikle atomvåpen. Samtidig framhever vi at strategien kan ha flere negative konsekvenser, og lede til både et våpenkappløp og øke faren for bruk av kjernevåpen i en krise. Vi påpeker videre at Sør-Koreas strategi og Nord-Koreas respons fører til at bilateralt nedrustningsarbeid mellom Nord-Korea og USA neppe vil lykkes. I tillegg til å løse problemer knyttet til Nord-Koreas kjernevåpenprogram, må en framtidig nedrustningsavtale ta høyde for det voksende gapet i den konvensjonelle styrkebalansen på den koreanske halvøya.

Veier til informasjon om utenlandsk eierskap i Norge: kilder og metoder

Rapporten gjennomgår sentrale kilder til informasjon om utenlandsk eierskap i Norge, og da primært eierskapskontroll og eierandeler i foretak. Rapporten vurderer også noen internasjonale kilder og informasjonsverktøy, og diskuterer forslag som kan bidra til bedre oversikt over eierskapsinteresser i Norge.

Utenlandsk eierskap i eiendom i Norge: informasjonskilder og mulige oversikter

Rapporten gjennomgår sentrale kilder til informasjon om utenlandsk eierskap i eiendom i Norge. Den beskriver tiltak som kan bidra til bedre oversikt over slike eierskapsinteresser.

Utenlandske direkteinvesteringer og eierskap i Norge

Utenlandske investeringer er en viktig del av økonomien i mange land. Det gjelder også Norge, hvor utenlandskontrollerte foretak sysselsetter 21 prosent av arbeidstakerne i privat næringsliv. Samtidig vet vi at strømmene av investeringer internasjonalt er i endring, med vekst i aktiviteten fra stater som tidligere har investert lite utenlands. Det gjelder spesielt Kina, men også India, Russland og noen andre ikke-tradisjonelle investorland. I denne artikkelen studerer vi hvordan Norges posisjon som destinasjon for investeringer endrer seg. Vi diskuterer utviklingen i lys av etablerte teorier innen samfunnsøkonomi og statsvitenskap.

China’s role in the Sustainable Development Agenda: Considerations for Norway

Kinas rolle i internasjonal utvikling vokser, med reelt og økende potensiale til å påvirke bærekraftsmålene. På noen områder sammenfaller kinesiske initiativ med norske interesser, men Kinas tilnærming avviker også på en del grunnleggende praksis og normer. Kinas internasjonale bidrag møter blandete reaksjoner og Norge bør stake ut sin egen kurs for når og hvordan jobbed med Kina om bærekraftsmålene.

A Norwegian perspective on Nordic-China Cooperation

Dette kapittelet studerer muligheter og utfordringer knyttet til felles Norden-Kina samarbeid, sett med norske perspektiv. Med utgangspunkt i generelle Norge-Kina relasjoner, peker kapittelet på områder hvor felles aktivitet allerede er ganske dynamisk, og hvor mange norske aktører kan ønske seg mer Norden-Kina samarbeid. Akademisk og næringslivsfremmende aktiviteter framstår som spesielt lovende. Kapittelet er imidlertid veldig tydelig på begrensningene for mer felles aktivitet, ikke minst i den politiske arenaen, hvor det er ingen interesse for å erstatte aktiviteter som i dag har en nasjonal eller bilateral karakter med noe felles nordisk.

WIN-WIN! with ODA-man: legitimizing development assistance policy in Japan

Official development assistance (ODA) constitutes one of Japan’s most important foreign policy instruments as it builds Japan’s global network and supports allies in the Southeast Asian region and beyond. In the context of a rising China and an increasingly severe fiscal and demographic situation at home, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) promulgated a domestic-oriented legitimation campaign featuring a popular anime character rebranded as ‘ODA-man’ to increase public understanding of and support for Japan’s ODA. Drawing on interpretivist analysis of performances at a development cooperation promotion festival, anime videos on the MOFA YouTube channel and interviews and examining the use of rhetorical strategies, this article provides an in-depth study of the promotion of one of the central instruments in Japan’s foreign policy repertoire. Though he comes off as goofy and benign, ODA-man’s messages are serious ones that reproduce dominant economic and security narratives about Japan and the world. Analysis points to both innovation and path dependency in Japan’s foreign policy repertoire; while ODA-man may be new the story he is telling, and the way that he is performing it, is very much familiar. The article further illuminates important trends in the public legitimation of foreign policy in Japan.

From careful participant to budding partner: China in the Sustainable Development Agenda

Kina styrker sin rolle som aktør i bærekraftsagendaen. Kina har laget sin egen nasjonale implementeringsplan for bærekraftsmålene, som understreker helhetlig utvikling med mer vekt på miljø. Internasjonalt vokser Kinas rolle som utviklingsaktør, som kan ses gjennom økende handel, bistand og investeringer og en sterkere posisjon i mange internasjonale organisasjoner. Kina bruker aktivitet knyttet til bærekraftsmålene for å promotere og samkjøre sine nasjonale og internasjonale utvikilingsinteresser.

China in the Sustainable Development Agenda: Key Institutions for International Engagement

Kina har et stort og ekspanderende nettverk av aktører som jobber med bærekraftsmålene og relaterte aktiviteter. Denne rapporten kartlegger de fremste kinesiske aktørene og institusjonene, med hovedvekt på internasjonalt rettet aktivitet.

China in the Sustainable Development Agenda: Key environmental issues and responses

Kina hanskes med veldig alvorlig forurensing og ikke bærekraftig bruk av mange naturressurser. Miljøspørsmål knyttet til luft, grunn og hav har fått ølende oppmerksomhet i kinesisk nasjonal politikk, og Kina tar nå en mer aktiv rolle internasjonalt. Ved å forplikte seg til internasjonale avtaler, samtidig som det insisterer på differensiert ansvar og frivillige bidrag, inntar Kina en slags mellomposisjon mellom utviklingsland og mange høyinntektsland.

China in the Sustainable Development Agenda: Contributions to health and education

Kina øker sine investeringer i helse og utdanning og bidrar med det til FNs 2030 Agenda og bærekraftsmålene. Nasjonalt jobber Kina for å modernisere hele sitt helsestystem, forbedre obligatorisk og valgfri utdanning og for å fremme noen akademiske eliteinstitusjoner. Internasjonalt øker Kina både sin biltaterale og multilaterale støtte. Ser vi forbi 2020, vil coronvirus krisen trolig ikke endre disse utviklingstrekkene, men Kina kan komme til å øke sine investeringer i både nasjonale og internasjonale system for helse og smitteberedskap.

Norway: Crisis highlights normality in bilateral relations with China

Kapittelet beskriver situasjonen for Norge og er del av en større rapport om Kinas relasjoner til europeiske land under COVID-19 pandemien. Situasjonen i Norge har vært preget av mindre støy og kontroverser enn tilfellet har vært i flere andre land. Kina har bidratt med smittevernsutstyr til Norge i form av kommersielle og veldedige leveranser. Kinas rolle i pandemien har vært debattert også i norske medier, og kinesiske representanter brukt tradisjonelle og sosiale medier til å imøtegå kritikk og fremme sine syn.

Japan and Arctic Security

This chapter focuses on what Arctic security means to Japan and how Japan handles the security dimension in its three-spoke approach to the Arctic, involving economic, political, and scientific factors. The chapter begins by addressing the changing understandings of what Arctic security entails. What are the historic and contemporary understandings of Arctic security? It then embarks on a discussion of Japan’s approach to the Arctic demonstrating how security fits in at traditional and nontraditional and national and international levels. How does Japan convey its position as a non-Arctic state concerned about security developments in the Arctic? Analysis is based on recent statements and activities stemming from Japan’s official Arctic Policy (2015), as well as developments in the political, research, and business sectors since 2008. The chapter concludes that, while traditional security issues in the Arctic are not the explicit framing of Japan’s Arctic policy and engagement, they do play an implicit role both on paper and in practice.

China's Realism in the Middle East

Samtidig som USA forsøker å redusere sitt nærvær i Midtøsten er Kinas engasjement i regionen på frammarsj. Kommer Kina til å etablere er betydelig militært nærvær, skape allianser og på sikt forsøke å erstatte USA som regional hegemon i Midtøsten? I denne artikkelen tar Henrik Stålhane Hiim og Stig Stenslie til orde for at det er liten grunn til å forvente noen stor endring i Kinas Midtøsten-strategi. Kina kommer til å forsøke å styrke sin innflytelse, men på en mer forsiktig og tilbaketrukket måte enn USA. Kina vil videre forsøke å bevare fleksibilitet i sitt valg av partnere, og ønsker å bevare gode relasjoner til alle de viktige aktørene i regionen. I motsetning til USA er Kinas politikk realpolitisk og interesse-orientert, og ikke basert på ideologi og verdier.

The G20 Comes to Japan: Making Sense of the Osaka Agenda

How do the outcomes of the G-20’s eight engagement groups factor into this year’s Osaka Summit?

Derfor skal vi bry oss om G20-toppmøtet i Japan

Utfordringene knyttet til frihandel og markedstilgang er svært viktige for Norge. Det vil de fortsette å være når G20 forflytter seg til Riyadh i 2020, skriver Wrenn Yennie Lindgren i denne kronikken.

Election 2019: Empowering women, without women?

Japan’s government has put women’s empowerment high on its agenda – but women remain poorly represented in politics, and that shows few signs of changing, writes Wrenn Yennie Lindgren in this op-ed.

Addressing Butterfly Questions: The Planet, Plastic Pollution and Policy Pathways at Japan's G20

In its fifth year, the 2019 G20 Interfaith Forumgathered outside of Tokyo to discuss an ambitious agenda organized under the triple-P thematic of Peace, People and Planet: Pathways Forward. While each of these broad themes guided discussions both in panels and plenaries, from the Forum’s outset it became clear that a reoccurring focus would be the importance of protecting the planet in order to support its people and to promote peace. The data presented at the Forum’s inception plenary was too compelling to ignore: according to multiple speakers, planet degradation has costed approximately $US11 trillion to date. But beyond the financial aspect, the environmental and ethical considerations that go into evaluating why this is a reality were at the core of the discussions among the Forum’s interfaithleaders. This focus instigated a number of compelling “butterfly questions” where participants probed and reflected on the implicit human aspect of environmental degradation. In their discussion, speakers often referenced the postwar tale of former Japanese Emperor Hirohito’s lamentation of no longer seeing butterflies in his imperial garden due to environmental degradation. Taking this issue up with Japan’s political leadership at the time, Hirohito instigated the establishment of an environmental program to address pollution in Tokyo, leading to great results and the return of butterflies to his city garden. But in today’s multipolar system, responding to the magnitude and pace of the transnational issues of pollution and climate change on a global scale at a time when the multilateral system is perceived to be eroding seems simultaneously dire, daunting and difficult. And the likelihood of creating an environment where butterflies would like to return seems increasingly fleeting.

The identity politics driving the Japan–South Korea trade war

Hvorfor og hvordan er identitetspolitikk en nøkkelfaktor i handelskrigen mellom Japan og Sør-Korea?

Østasiatiske giganter i handelskrig

Hvorfor i alle dager vil Japan og Sør-Korea risikere store økonomiske tap og sikkerhetspolitisk svekkelse i en så usikker tid?

The Duty of Care for Citizens Abroad: Security and Responsibility in the In Amenas and Fukushima Crises

This article analyses the state’s duty of care (DoC) for citizens who fall victim to unforeseen catastrophic or violent events abroad. The DoC highlights the challenges, dynamics and relations involved in diplomatic practice that is aimed at protecting citizens outside of state borders and where traditional security concepts have little relevance. How has a globalized, more insecure world — with shifting relations and responsibilities among states, their subordinates and other carers — affected the provision of DoC? How do governments and private actors act on the DoC during and after crises? To illustrate, the article draws on the terrorist attack at a gas facility in Algeria in 2013 and the nuclear disaster in Japan in 2011, focusing particularly on the Norwegian framework and approach to protecting citizens abroad. In both crises, implementing the DoC required practical skills and measures beyond traditional diplomacy and institutionalized crisis mechanisms.

Political values in Norway’s relations with China: Standing ground or giving in?

The six-year freeze in bilateral political relations following the award of the 2010 Nobel Peace Prize makes Norway an interesting case study of political values in relations with China. The big picture, however, is that Norway still fits into the pattern of many other European countries. While political values feature prominently in Norway’s general foreign policy, explicit government level criticism of China is rare, and the avenues for official discussions on values-laden issues are largely limited to closed settings.

China and Multilateral Development Banks: Positions, Motivations, Ambitions

The evolving relationships between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the major multilateral development banks (MDBs) reflect China’s evolution as a prospering developing country and a major power. Why has China been nurturing strong interests towards MDBs? This report focuses on changing positions, motivations, and ambitions concerning China and multilateral development banking.

Chinese belts and roads stir mixed reactions in Europe

European governments generally welcome Chinese contributions to infrastructure and development. Many actors inside and outside the EU hope to see countries and markets along the proposed belts and roads prosper. They support China’s efforts to strengthen connectivity and trade. But most, if not all, keep asking China to clarify its plans and ambitions.

Derfor dominerer Abe japansk politikk

Shinzō Abe har nok en gang vunnet det interne presidentvalget i sitt parti. Hvordan ble Abe den mest dominerende statsministeren i Japans historie?

China and Nordic Diplomacy

This book seeks to explore Nordic approaches to China and the idea of sub-regional diplomacy. China’s multi-tiered approach to Europe can be seen vividly in the Nordic sub-region, which has been engaging Beijing through a variety of different means corresponding to the political and economic structures found in the Nordic states. In some areas, a specific Nordic approach can be observed, including areas related to economic cooperation, Arctic diplomacy and institution-building. However, the Nordic states also have widely differing historical experiences with China leading up to the present day. Each of the Nordic states has also had to balance their China relations with those of the EU and other major players such as the US. With case studies on the EU, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden, this volume addresses the question of a specifically Nordic approach to Chinese relations. It explores not only the contributions of the Nordics to China relations, but also adds to the greater study of sub-regional approaches to Chinese diplomacy at a time when Sino-European relations are arguably at their most complex. This book will be of much interest to students and researchers of Chinese politics, Nordic politics, diplomacy and IR in general.

En liten korrigering om "militarisering"

Klassekampens reportasje om USA, alliansepolitikk og Øst-Asia på tirsdag var veldig interessant, god og viktig. Det kan imidlertid være på sin plass å moderere utsagnene om Japan, skriver forfatterne i dette leserinnlegget i Klassekampen.

Review: Japan’s Security Renaissance: New policies and politics for the twenty-first century, By Andrew Oros (New York: Columbia University Press...

Navigation, circumvention and brokerage: the tricks of the trade of developing NGOs in China

Chinese NGOs face strong coercive pressures and limitations yet have still emerged as notable actors in several issue areas. This article studies why and explains how a group of NGOs working on AIDS-related issues have been able to progress into relatively large and vibrant operations. It documents how NGO leaders have learned to navigate opportunities and risks, circumvent formal restrictions and broker pragmatic and largely informal arrangements that have enabled their organizations to grow and advance within China's authoritarian settings. The article contributes to the literature on Chinese NGO development and new institutionalism theory, and introduces a framework for studying NGOs based on their organizational forms and activities.

Chinese Investments in Norway: A Typical Case Despite Special Circumstances

Chinese investments in Norway have increased, and remain moderate but substantial compared with the situation in Europe overall. The Norwegian case is both typical and somewhat unique. Transactions made in the 2000s coincided with China’s boom in outbound natural resource- and energy-related investments. Subsequent deals have demonstrated an increasing interest in specialized and high-tech companies. There has been diversification among actors, but state-owned enterprises remain the main source. Moreover, the debate surrounding Chinese investments in Norway has been limited and largely positive. What makes Norway a special case is the six-year freeze of bilateral political affairs that followed the Nobel Peace Prize in 2010. Although the suppression of some investor interests and opportunities is to be expected, several major investments were completed during this period despite the dysfunctional political ties. After the normalization of bilateral relations in December of 2016, actors on both sides are signaling increased economic interest and negotiations for a bilateral Free Trade Agreement are back on track.

The Chinese story: Historical narratives as a tool in China’s Africa policy

The rise of China as a key actor on the African continent not only challenges the Western dominance in economic and political terms, Beijing is increasingly also offering a challenge on a different level, by contesting the Eurocentric history that has underpinned the West’s policies towards African countries throughout the modern era. In order to bolster the Sino-African relationship, this article argues that Beijing is propagating towards African publics a range of historical narratives about African history and the Sino-African relationship. Developing and testing a theoretical framework for analysing these historical narratives, the research finds that this Chinese history of Africa represents China’s recent actions on the African continent as incarnations of a long historical tradition of friendship and anti-colonial support, thus serving the role of legitimizing Chinese policies as well as delegitimizing Western powers’ economic and political strategies.

The bear and the EU-China-US triangle: Transatlantic and Russian influences on EU’s “pivot to Asia”

This article argues that in the case of the EU’s efforts to undertake a “Pivot to Asia”, added explanatory salience can be achieved by recognising firstly the importance of the transatlantic factor and the US’ own rebalance policies. Secondly, based on a model where the USA is regarded as a significant variable in the EU-China relationship, one may more saliently discern the influence of Russia by assessing its impact on the triangular EU-China-US relationship, both directly and indirectly. Addressing these issues in European policymaking, the article will be constituted of two main parts. In the first section, the triangular nature of European foreign policies towards China is introduced, addressing the transatlantic factor in EU-China relations. Based on research on the European policy debates on EU’s Asia policies and the American Pivot to Asia, the section will illustrate the degree to which EU policy initiatives are conceived as playing out on a range from cooperation to competition with the US’ rebalance initiatives. In the second section, the chapter will proceed to investigate a factor that is affecting, although to different degrees, all three corners of the triangular political context in which European China policies are being shaped, namely the effects of recent Russian actions in the Eurasian theatre. The analysis demonstrates how European policymakers struggle to define their place in the EU-China-US triangle. The dynamics of the ongoing Asian power shift highlights the dilemmas for the European continent, as it seeks to balance its relations in a shifting geopolitical landscape.

Transatlantic Troubles and the EU’s Pivot Toward Asia

The G20 Summit in Hamburg demonstrated that the geopolitical landscape is rapidly changing. The U.S. is no longer the only leader—it has to share the scene with China, Europe, and Russia, among others. In light of the changing landscape, the EU and China have begun to redefine their relationship. For years, Europe has sought to find the best way to adjust to the rise of China and growth in Asia. A key factor in the EU’s ties to China was always its relationship with the United States. However, President Donald Trump has brought new uncertainties to the transatlantic alliance. How will this affect the European “Pivot to Asia?”

Nordens plass i Kinas nye æra?

Knapt året etter at norske myndigheter er ute av kineserens fryseboks har Xi Jinping nylig erklært til den 19 partikongressen at Kina er på vei inn i en ny epoke. Denne tredje epoken siden folkerepublikkens grunnleggelse, vil være den hvor Kina gjeninntar sin posisjon som global stormakt. Alle trender peker mot at verdens største økonomi snart vil være ikke-vestlig og ikke-demokratisk, for første gang siden Karl Johan var brödrafolkens konung. Hvordan har de nordiske land forholdt seg til denne historiske omskiftningen, og hvilke ringvirkninger ligger i vente for Norden i den nye kinesiske æra?

Identity Politics and the East China Sea: China as Japan's 'Other'

This article contributes to the relational IR literature on identity politics and Sino-Japanese relations. Theoretically, we develop Rumelili's 2004 framework for studying modes of differentiation by incorporating the sectoral characteristics of key discourse signs. Empirically, we apply this framework to the construction of Self and Other in the official Japanese security discourse regarding the Senkaku Islands dispute from 2010–2014, a period of dispute climax that is meaningful for studying the (re)production of Japan's understanding of China. The inclusiveness of the discourse signs that Japan uses to construct China possibly opens up for a positive evolution of Sino-Japanese relations, as there is space for progress if China's behavior—and Japan's interpretation of it—proves to be more peaceful, transparent, and law-abiding. The findings also suggest, however, that the strong sense of superiority in Japan (and China) vis-à-vis a subordinate Other may not bode well for Sino-Japanese relations.

Et valg uten alternativer

Japans LDP er ikke et spesielt populært parti, så hvorfor fikk de såpass stor valgoppslutning? spør Wrenn Y. Lingren og Petter Lindgren i denne Klassekampen-kronikken.

China's Cyber Sovereignty

This policy brief analyses China’s ambitions for imposing and strengthening the concept of cyber sovereignty in international negotiations on topics related to cybersecurity and Internet governance (IG). The presentation proceeds through four interconnected steps: 1. brief introduction and background to the Chinese ‘cyber sovereignty’ concept. 2. China’s role in defining, developing, and promoting this concept in international politics. 3. international responses to the Chinese use of the concept of cyber sovereignty, and how this should be seen in conjunction with current trends in Chinese foreign-policy strategies. 4. the use of cyber sovereignty in diplomacy, and how China uses this concept to counter Western dominance in cyberspace. Thus, the policy brief offers a brief examination of how the Chinese idea of state sovereignty in cyberspace influences how China positions itself in international negotiations with regard to issues such as security, economy and trade, and soft power (diplomacy/governance).

Chinese foreign policy : an introduction.

Ties that Bind: The Emerging Regional Security Complex in the Arctic

The security situation in the Arctic has begun to produce a 'regional security complex' (RSC) based on shared regional strategic concerns. However, the geography and politics of the region will prevent this RSC from taking on a military aspect in the near future.

Towards the Thaw: Seeking Clarity in China-Norway Relations

How can China and Norway move on from the political freeze sparked by dissident Liu Xiaobo’s Nobel Peace Prize?

“For Every Action...” The American pivot to Asia and fragmented European responses

In this two-part paper, Thomas Wright and Will Moreland respond to an assessment of Europe's reaction to the U.S. rebalance to Asia by Bjørnar Sverdrup-Thygeson, Marc Lanteigne, and Ulf Sverdrup of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. Download the full report here for a complete set of recommendations and detailed analysis. In 2011, U.S. President Barack Obama declared an American strategic shift towards the Asia-Pacific—what would colloquially be known as the “pivot to Asia”—with the words “Here, we see the future.” For the American allies on the opposite end of the Eurasian continent, this announcement was a source of consternation. Was Europe to be left in the past? In the first part of this paper, Bjørnar Sverdrup-Thygeson, Marc Lanteigne, and Ulf Sverdrup of the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI) consider Europe's response to the pivot. They note that while the U.S. pivot to Asia has been the catalyst for a European pivot, the response has not been coherent among European governments. Instead, they oscillate between four distinct Asia policy options based on: formal cooperation with the United States; coordination with Washington in which European "soft power" complements U.S. leadership; co-existence with an "independent" European position; or competition and radical political realignment. The first part concludes by arguing that European Union governments must decide whether to align, compete, or find some sort of middle path; the authors anticipate that a combination of the coordination and co-existence policy options will define any potential coherent European response. The authors caution that Europe cannot enter the Asian century on American terms and should thus instead capitalize on Europe's comparative advantages stemming from economic and "soft" power. In the second part of the paper, Thomas Wright and Will Moreland of Brookings respond. They disagree that Europe has been "left in the past" by the American pivot, stressing that there is little evidence that the pivot to Asia has resulted in the United States doing less on security in Europe than its European partners want it to do. They also warn of the potential repercussions of a prioritization of economic incentives over security interests in the region. As Chinese financial clout grows and Europe’s economic recovery continues to stagnate, there is the concern that the need for a good trade or investment deal with Beijing would outweigh the ambition to craft a collective EU commitment to maintaining the post-World War II order in Asia—a system from which both the United States and Europe have benefited in terms of security and economic prosperity. Finally, they look at the spectrum between the coordination and co-existence policy options using the example of the Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB). Wright and Moreland conclude with several general recommendations for transatlantic cooperation in Asia. For one, the United States should not expend its political capital in ultimately counterproductive efforts to remove all daylight between U.S. and European strategies in Asia. Such an approach would inevitably result in forcing Europe to choose between amiable Euro-American relations and its economic relations with China. The United States should also support reforms of existing international institutions. Although segments of the United States—most importantly in the U.S. Senate—would prefer rising powers simply conform to current norms and institutions, this approach is in dangerous ignorance of the realities of changing global power dynamics. Finally, to be effective, U.S. policy must focus more on sharing a strategy rather than sharing a burden.

China’s Political Priorities in the Nordic Countries: from technology to core interests

Chinese policymakers have identified a number of priorities that motivate them to observe and interact with the Nordic countries. While one can assume that the Nordic countries appear far from frequently on China’s foreign policy agenda, they have unique competences and are open to increased engagement with China. Moreover, they are perceived as being easy to deal with and have become important partners in Beijing’s effort to forge closer ties with governments across the globe. This Policy Brief is based on the author’s report, China’s political priorities in the Nordic countries, published by FOI in 2014. The report focuses on China’s political priorities in the five Nordic countries during 2007-2013. It is based on an analysis of official statements, academic papers and reports from think-tanks, as well as interviews conducted with Chinese diplomats and Nordic officials and scholars in the Nordic capitals during the autumn of 2013. The author draws the conclusion that China’s overarching Nordicwide priorities include four main areas: to utilise the Nordic region as a sounding board and door opener; to acquire technology and know-how; to promote China’s core interests; and to improve perceptions of China.

China's New Development Bank and Infrastructure-led Growth

In view of China’s recent launch of several new development banks (AIIB, OBOR, NDB) with a central focus on infrastructure, this NUPI Brief takes a look at how China’s infrastructure projects have fared both at home and abroad in the past. It asks the question: Does economic growth, boosted by infrastructure investment, necessarily benefit development? Admitting that infrastructure has played a crucial role in China’s development, as well as contributed to the changes in other developing countries, this brief cautions against several potential economic risks. To be more specific, three issues are highlighted: first, low usage and low profitability; second, debt and broken contracts; third, favouritism towards state-owned companies.

Kampen om idemessigé forklaringer på japansk sikkerhetspolitikk: Kina i Japans identitetskonstruksjon

Fragmentation and decline in India's state assemblies: A review, 1967-2007

Tracing activity in 15 Indian state assemblies from 1967 to 2007, we find that overall legislative activity declined but there was also considerable variation across states. States with large electoral constituencies and politically fragmented assemblies showed the worst performance, which suggests a link between political fragmentation and institutional performance.

The role of China in emerging arctic security discourses

China's Developing Arctic Policies: Myths and Misconceptions

Views from the Pivot Point: Chinese Perceptions of Russia’s ‘Go East’ Strategy

One of Three Roads: The Role of the Northern Sea Route in Evolving Sino-Russian Strategic Relations

China’s Salmon Sanction

No Way to Meet Commitments for Norway’s Meat Imports

Studiet av Japans sikkerhetspolitikk: 3. generasjons forklaring på stabilitet og endring etter den kalde krigen (A study of Japanese Security Poli...

Economics and Security in China

Anarchy is a Bridge: Russia and China are Pushing NATO and Japan Together

After nearly 70 years of distant relations, security ties between NATO and Japan are flourishing. A number of important initiatives have recently been adopted, including high-level political dialogues, joint military training, and cooperation in science, technology, and cyber security. This article considers recent developments in NATO-Japan relations and in particular their origins, drivers and implications.

The Abe Legacy

Med det fryktelege drapet på tidlegare statsminister i Japan Shinzo Abe er ein viktig, men ikkje fullt ut ukontroversiell, politisk æra i landet over. Som Japans lengstsitjande statsminister lèt Abe etter seg ein viktig arv i politikken i landet, men også med tanke på kva rolle han ønskte at Japan skulle spele på verdsscena. I denne policy briefen deler NUPI-forskar Wrenn Yennie Lindgren og Richard Nakamura sine syn på implikasjonane som Abes bortgang har hatt for internasjonal politikk og økonomi.

Navigating ASEAN-Myanmar Relations: The Phnom Penh Summit as a Critical Juncture for (Dis)Engagement

This article considers recent internal developments in Myanmar and how they strain external relations with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). It identifies ASEAN’s Phnom Penh Summit as a critical juncture for disengaging the military government, engaging non-political entities and upgrading the 2021 Five-Point Consensus.

Asia-Arctic Diplomacy a Decade Later: What has changed?

Ten years ago, five Asian states – China, India, Japan, Singapore, and South Korea – joined the Arctic Council as observers. This article discusses how the Asia-Arctic Five’s policies policies and priorities have evolved over the past decade and what their hopes are for the incoming Norwegian chairmanship of the Council.