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Research project

Training for Peace 2020 - 2025

In its new phase (2020-2025) the TfP will strengthen its partnership and collaboration with the African Union, by providing applied research, policy support and capacity-building.

Themes

  • Africa
  • Peace operations
  • Conflict
  • AU

Events

The Training for Peace Programme (TfP Programme) is an international programme that contributes towards capacity building within the broader ambit of peace operations in Africa. Since 1995, the programme has worked, through civil society institutions, to strengthen civilian and police capacity for United Nations (UN) and African Union (AU) peace operations. With its focus on training, rostering, policy support and applied research, the TfP Programme has contributed actively to placing the multi-dimensional aspects of peacekeeping on the agenda, including issues related to the protection of civilians, youth, peace and security and women, peace and security.

In its new phase (2020-2025) the TfP will strengthen its partnership and collaboration with the African Union, by providing applied research, policy support and capacity-building. The programme will support the AUC and its partners to prevent, manage and resolve conflicts and promote stability in Africa.

The TfP consists of an international network of partners including the African Centre for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes (ACCORD), the Institute for Security Studies (ISS) and the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI). 

TfP’s key thematic areas for the 2020-2025 phase include:

  1. 1. AU peace operations capacities;
  2. 2. AU efforts to countering global security threats in Africa; and
  3. 3. AU preventive diplomacy, resilience building, political conflict management and mediation, reconciliation and peacebuilding.

Within the programme NUPI’s main responsibility is research and policy development. NUPI’s research seeks to contribute to the development of doctrine for peace support operations (PSOs), knowledge building and lessons learned from African PSOs, civilian and police know-how, the financing and support of African PSOs and ongoing monitoring and analysis of the implementation and progress of the African Peace and Security Architecture.

NUPI’s activities in the programme will also prioritise efforts to integrate gender and youth perspectives in the analytical work, policy support and capacity development as a cross-cutting issue.

To learn more about the programme, visit the programme's main home page. For an overview of NUPI's events, news and publications related to the TfP programme, please visit TfP's programme page here at NUPI.no. 

Project Manager

Andrew E. Yaw Tchie
Senior Research Fellow

Participants

Mariana Llorens Zabala
Junior Research Fellow
Cedric H. de Coning
Research Professor

Articles

Articles
News
Articles
News

TfP and EPON Research Team visit the MNJTF in Chad

TfP and EPON Research Team visit the Multinational Joint Task Force and the Lake Chad Basin Commission in N´Djamena to conduct research on the effectiveness of the mission prior to its mandate renewal in February 2023.
  • Terrorism and extremism
  • Africa
  • Peace operations
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Articles
News
Articles
News

The Training for Peace (TfP) Programme attends AU Lessons Learned Conference

TfP attended this week the first ever AU Lessons Learned Conference in Abuja, Nigeria to present its most recent report on Standby Security Arrangements:
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News
Articles
News

Meeting about the evolving conflict and security environment in Africa

The Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI) and the Training for Peace (TfP) Programme were pleased to welcome the African Union Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS), H.E Ambassador Bankole Adeoye on 23rd June, for an open discussion on the evolving conflict and security environment in Africa.
  • Africa
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News
Articles
News

Visit with Former President Chissano

As part of an official visit to Oslo, Former President Joaquim Alberto Chissano visited NUPI on 20 June, 2022.
  • Africa
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News
Articles
News

Validation Workshop on the African Standby Force Guidelines for AU RECs/RMs on Standby

A three-day workshop that looked at proposed guidelines for the AU RECs/RMs on the operability of the Standby Force, supported by the Training for Peace (TfP) Program, was held in Harare, Zimbabwe from 30 November - 2 December, 2021.
  • Africa
  • Peace operations
  • Conflict
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News
Articles
News

Workshop on the Development of an African Union Policy on Stabilisation

A three-day workshop that looked at the AU´s efforts towards stabilization, supported by the Training for Peace (TfP) Program, was held in Nairobi, Kenya from 8 - 11 December, 2021.
  • Africa
  • Peace operations
  • Conflict
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News
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News

Discussion with South Africa´s Deputy Foreign Minister. Mr Alvin Botes

On 7th March 2022, the Deputy Foreign Minister of South Africa, Mr Alvin Botes, visited the Nobel Peace Centre for a discussion on South Africa´s Foreign Policy and its role in Peace and Security in Africa.
  • Foreign policy
  • Africa
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News
Articles
News

Webinar on the United Nations Mission in South Sudan 2022: Risks and opportunities in an uncertain peace process

The UN Security Council will renew the mandate of UNMISS in March 2022, marking the tenth renewal of the Mission's mandate since it began in 2011.
  • Africa
  • Peace operations
  • United Nations
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News
Articles
News

Climate sensitive peacebuilding and Conflict-sensitive climate adaptation

As a part of the African Union’s Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development (PCRD) Awareness week, the Training for Peace programme hosted a virtual seminar on “The Climate-PCRD nexus: Climate sensitive peacebuilding and Conflict-sensitive climate adaptation”.
  • Africa
  • Peace operations
  • Conflict
  • AU
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Articles
News
Articles
News

Mediation in the era of big data and fake news

The AUs 12th High-level fireside chat brought together some of the AUs level-high mediation experts and delegates to discuss mediation efforts across the continent.
  • Africa
  • Peace operations
  • Conflict
  • AU
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Articles
News
Articles
News

Specialised Advance Stabilisation Course supported by the Training for Peace project

A five-day specialised advance stabilisation course supported by the Training for Peace project was held in Ghana, Accra and put on by the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre from 18 – 22 October 2021.
  • Africa
  • Peace operations
  • Conflict
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New publications

Publications
Publications
Scientific article

African-Led Peace Support Operations in a declining period of new UN Peacekeeping Operations

The United Nations is known to be the preeminent body to authorize and oversee international peacekeeping missions; however, new forms of African-led Peace Sup- port Operations (PSOs) are increasingly common, innovative, and context-specific. This paper examines the evolution of African-led PSOs and argues that African-led PSOs are filling a vacuum and taking on responsibilities once assumed by the United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (UN PKO). The paper posits that the rise of African- led PSOs is due to the growing need for security and respond to the changing nature of conflict, the spread of insecurity and terrorism, and cross-border violence. Finally, the paper explores the implications of these operations for future missions in Africa, arguing that the future of African-led PSOs may be the preferred choice, with Regional Economic Communities and Ad-hoc Security Initiatives leading the way.

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Analysis: The military's ambitions dash Sudan's hopes for democracy... Who is to blame, and will the conflict end?

Opinions are divided about who is to blame for the current conflict in Sudan. Is it Al-Bashir for his reliance on armed groups? Or is it the civilian-military structure of the former Sudanese government that concentrated power in the hands of the military? Mother of the West, who failed to impose sanctions on Al-Burhan and Hamidti when they staged a coup against the civilian government in October 2021.

  • Africa
  • Conflict
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  • Africa
  • Conflict
Media
Media
Media

Can Guinea return to civilian rule amidst the ongoing anti-junta protests?

Protests in Guinea have turned into a tragic display of violence. Despite efforts to suppress them, anti-government demonstrations in the West African nation persist, leading to clashes with security forces. The people's frustration mounts as military leaders, responsible for ensuring a return to democratic rule, fall short of their promises. How many more lives will be lost before a viable solution is found for the country's turmoil?

  • Africa
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  • Africa
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Publications

Can a ceasefire bring peace to Chad?

Chad's military council signed a ceasefire agreement with dozens of opposition factions. But does it mean anything since the country’s largest rebel group refused to sign on? We look at how the Doha deal can affect peace talks in the country later this month, and a promised presidential election. Dr Andrew E. Yaw Tchie reflects on whether the deal will lead to successful talks in August.

  • Africa
  • Peace, crisis and conflict
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  • Africa
  • Peace, crisis and conflict
Media
Media
Media

Terrorismo e instabilità, i governi locali cercano «soluzioni africane a problemi africani»

Dr Andrew E. Yaw Tchie is interviewed to discuss the increase in violence and the vicious circle created by the coups d´état in Africa and emphasises that African Problems must be solved by African solutions.

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Publications
Policy brief

Enhancing the African Union’s function in supporting transitional governments in Africa

In 2010, the African Union (AU) committed to establishing the African Governance Architecture (AGA) as a Pan-African platform to promote good governance, democracy and respect for human rights. The AGA was devised to support the implementation of objectives outlined in the legal and policy pronouncements in the AU’s shared values. However, over the past few years, despite the efforts of this pillar, there has been a noticeable decline in democracy, governance and human rights values in some AU member states. The emergence of coups and constitutional changes has coincided with a trend in the use of transitional agreements/ governments across Africa. Many of these transitional agreements are stagnant, fail to deal with the root causes of grievances (they neglect the challenges that transitional governments must navigate), and often delay steps towards democratic consolidation. Instead they produce forms of military government that entrench authoritarian rule led by military actors who use the transitional agreements to eventually deliver electoral authoritarianism. This paper explores the rise, implementation and effectiveness (processes) of transitional agreements in six African states. It contends that the recent launch of the AU’s Africa Facility to Support Inclusive Transitions in conjunction with the United Nations Development Programme is a worthy effort for supporting transitions in Africa. However, it argues that the AU needs to strengthen the AGA pillar and put in place better provisions to support transition mechanisms. It must develop context-specific adaptive stabilisation strategies to support the different forms of transitional government(s), systems, mechanisms and institutions underpinning these transitions to avoid the emergence of an array of transitional governments that do not deliver for the affected communities. Finally, steps must be taken to deal with the root causes of coups etc., which initially receive widespread support, but might indicate that civilian support may be linked to temporarily seeking solutions to the challenges (e.g., economic underdevelopment, centre-rural challenges, political isolation, insecurity etc.) that the government of the day has neglected to deal with.

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Publications
Scientific article

Convenience or complementarity: the African Union’s partnership with the United Nations in Sudan and South Sudan

Over the past 20 years, the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) have developed a unique partnership rooted in complementarity, respect and African ownership. To reaffirm this partnership, the United Nations Secretary-General and Chairperson of the African Union (UN) Commission signed a Joint UN-AU framework for Enhanced Partnership in Peace and Security in 2017. Nevertheless, despite previous lessons learned, gaps in collaboration and strategic thinking, and oversight exist on the ground between the AU and the UN. Drawing on the case(s) of Sudan and South Sudan to further understand the AU’s partnership with the UN through the lens of complementarity and convenience, the paper arrives at a novel conceptualisation of the AU and UN partnership through their political missions. The paper finds that the AU-UN framework is sporadically implemented, and the AU’s role in the partnership on the ground is one of convenience, whereas, in contrast, the UN’s role is one of complementarity aimed at achieving legitimacy. The paper concludes that both organisations in-country were constrained by the lack of collaboration and synergy, which led to a misalignment of joint priorities, impacting the effectiveness of the partnership.

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Op-ed

The USA treads in Ecowas' bed

Today, West African countries are gathering for a crisis meeting on Niger. The USA's parallel negotiations with the junta could undermine regional attempts to find a solution, the researcher believes.

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Report

Generation three and a half peacekeeping: Understanding the evolutionary character of African-led Peace Support Operations

African-led Peace Support Operations (PSOs) were established to support the African peace and security architecture by developing integrated capacities for deployment in crises. However, since the deployment of the first African-led PSOs, there has also been the emergence of new types of African-led PSOs, such as the African Union Mission in Somalia; the Lake Chad Basin Commission Multinational Joint Task Force; the Joint Force for the Group of Five for the Sahel; the Southern African Development Community Mission in Mozambique; and the East African Community Force in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The paper examines why African-led PSOs have emerged, arguing that these operations have allowed for increased African agency and shaped the African peace and security space. The paper finds that African-led PSO reflects a more regional and local-specific response in a declining era of new United Nations peacekeeping operations but has also resulted in an overreliance on force to solve the continent’s peace and security issues. Consequently, the paper arrives at a novel conceptualisation of African-led PSOs, positing that they represent generation three and a half of peacekeeping which focus on the effectiveness of force and the morality of using force to deal with insecurity and multifaceted crisis.

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Op-ed

How might the Sudan conflict destabilise the wider region?

The UN says the war in Sudan is spiralling out of control and threatens to destabilize the whole region. Nearly a million people have fled the country, and 4,000 have been killed during fighting between the armed forces and the RSF paramilitary. Andrew E Yaw Tchie from the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs has more. Dr Andrew E. Yaw Tchie explains the warning by the UN on Sudan´s conflict destabilising the region.

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Publications
Op-ed

African Union's Peace and Security Council meets to deliberate on Niger Coup

Despite the crisis caused by the coup in Niger, the US says that it will be sending a new ambassador to the country as planned. Washington has clarified that her arrival this week doesn't mean acceptance of the military takeover and that diplomatic efforts to reverse the coup will continue. Dr Andrew E. Yaw Tchie discusses the outcome of and the most problematic considerations faced by the African Union.

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Publications
Publications
Scientific article

Coping with Complexity: Toward Epistemological Pluralism in Climate–Conflict Scholarship

Over the last two decades, climate security has become an increasingly salient policy agenda in international fora. Yet, despite a large body of research, the empirical links between climate-change and conflict remain highly uncertain. This paper contends that uncertainty around climate–conflict links should be understood as characteristic of complex social–ecological systems rather than a problem that can be fully resolved. Rather than striving to eliminate uncertainty, we suggest that researchers need to learn to cope with it. To this end, this article advances a set of principles for guiding scholarly practice when investigating a complex phenomenon: recognizing epistemological uncertainty, embracing epistemological diversity, and practicing humility and dialogue across difference. Taken together the authors call this ethos epistemological pluralism, whereby scholars self-consciously recognize the limits of their chosen epistemology for understanding the climate–conflict nexus and engage with other approaches without attempting to usurp them. Reviewing the last decade of climate–conflict scholarship, Beumont and de Coning show that climate–conflict research already manifests many of these ideals; however, they also identify problematic patterns of engagement across epistemological divides and thus plenty of scope for improvement. To illustrate why a diversity of methods (e.g., qualitative and quantitative) will not suffice, the article critically discusses prior research to illustrate why at least two epistemological approaches—constructivism and positivism—cannot be synthesized or integrated without significant analytical cost, and elaborates why excluding insights from any one would lead to an impoverished understanding of the climate–conflict nexus. The authors conclude with five practical recommendations of how scholars can help realize the ideal of epistemological pluralism in practice.

  • Conflict
  • Climate
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  • Conflict
  • Climate
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Publications

How Not to Do UN Peacekeeping: Avoid the Stabilization Dilemma with Principled and Adaptive Mandating and Leadership

Looking back over the past seventy-five years of UN peacekeeping, the most enduring question has been: Is peacekeeping effective? Historically, most peacekeeping operations have been. However, peacekeeping is currently suffering from a significant trust deficit. One important factor that differentiates contemporary peacekeeping operations with a stabilization mandate from the historic record is the absence of a viable political or peace process. When security is not directed to serve a peace process, it produces a stabilization dilemma: the more effectively a peace operation protects and achieves stability, the less incentive there is for ruling political elites to find long-term political solutions. This dilemma generates several perverse effects, including prolonging the conflict, trapping operations in place with no exit options, increasing the resilience of armed groups, and embedding peacekeeping in the local political economy. The article identifies five factors that help prevent the stabilization dilemma and influence the effectiveness of peace operations.

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Publications
Book

Adaptive Mediation and Conflict Resolution: Peace-Making in Colombia, Mozambique, the Philippines, and Syria

This open access book introduces adaptive mediation as an alternative approach that enables mediators to go beyond determined-design models of mediation. Adaptive mediation is grounded in complexity theory, and is specifically designed to cope with highly dynamic conflict situations characterized by uncertainty. It is a facilitated mediation process whereby the content of agreements emerges from the parties to the conflict themselves, informed by the context within which the conflict is situated. The book presents the core principles and practices of adaptive mediation with empirical evidence from Colombia, Mozambique, The Philippines, and Syria.

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Publications
Cedric H. de Coning, Rui Saraiva, Ako Muto

Adaptive Peacebuilding: A New Approach to Sustaining Peace in the 21st Century

This open access book responds to the urgent need to improve how we prevent and resolve conflict. It introduces Adaptive Peacebuilding through evidence-based research from eight case studies across Africa, Asia, the Middle East, and Latin America. It also considers how China and Japan view and practice peacebuilding. The book focuses on how peacebuilders design, implement and evaluate programs to sustain peace, how interactions between external and local actors have facilitated or hindered peacemaking, and how adaptation to complexity and uncertainty occurred in each case study.

  • Peace operations
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  • Peace operations
Publications
Publications
Scientific article

Nomads and Warlords, Chadian Forces in African Peace Operations

Despite criticism of the United Nations (UN) as peacekeepers “hiding behind sandbags,” by the former president of Chad, the Chadian military has become a critical enabler of African-led and UN peace operations. This paper posits that the effectiveness of the Chadian forces stems from refined and modified nomad and warlord structures and attributes used during Chad’s various conflicts to build and improve its national army. This has allowed the Chadian regime to exercise and project power, thus, producing one of Africa’s most effective forces for current conflicts and challenges. Thus, Chad’s military leadership reflects a trend of states that use military prowess to project force, while maintaining international partnerships with permanent members of the unsc (the US and France), UN peacekeeping missions and African ad hoc security initiatives. Finally, the paper examines the implications of this trend for the evolving nature of African Peace and Security Architecture.

  • Africa
  • Peace operations
  • Conflict
  • United Nations
  • AU
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  • Africa
  • Peace operations
  • Conflict
  • United Nations
  • AU
Publications
Publications
Scientific article

How Do Ad-Hoc Security Initiatives Fit in Africa’s Evolving Security Landscape?

Over the last two decades, places like the Sahel, Lake Chad Basin, Somalia, eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and Northern Mozambique have experienced a rise (and in some cases, a resurgence) of groups that use violence to challenge the state. Often termed “rebel groups,” some, like the M23 in eastern DRC, fit the rebel model. But many others take the form of violent extremist insurgencies that mix insurgent tactics with criminal activities, such as banditry and the illicit trading of goods, drugs, money, and natural resources. What both have in common is the use of violence to pursue political and economic objectives related to long-standing center-periphery grievances, and economic and political marginalization.

  • Security policy
  • Africa
  • AU
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  • Security policy
  • Africa
  • AU
Publications
Publications
Research paper

Criticism of the UK’s Rwanda Policy Misrepresents African Agency

While much of the controversy around the UK–Rwanda partnership is understandable, African perspectives are too often missing from the debate.

  • Foreign policy
  • Europe
  • Africa
  • Foreign policy
  • Europe
  • Africa
Publications
Publications

Adapting the African Standby Force to Africa’s Evolving Security Landscape

Over the last decade Africa has experienced a resurgence of what used to be called rebels. In response a number of new types of operations have evolved.

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Publications

Ad-hoc initiatives are shaking up African security

The growing threat of violent extremist groups and how these groups operate across borders has stimulated the emergence of a new type of security arrangement in Africa. These Ad-hoc arrangements are providing greater accountability and flexibility than more established security agreements, write Cedric de Coning and Andrew E. Yaw Tchie.

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Publications

Assessing the Effectiveness of the Multinational Joint Task Force

The overall assessment is that the MNJTF is, to a degree, effectively attaining its mandate priorities. As a result of the efforts of the MNJTF there is a decline in the number of terrorist attacks and fatalities in the region.

  • Africa
  • Peace operations
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  • Africa
  • Peace operations
Publications
Publications

Special Issue on the Evolving Nature of African-Led Peace Support Operations and African Armies

Key Questions • How has the evolution of African-led PSOs on the continent shaped Africa’s security response to insecurity? • How has African-led PSO influenced the identity of African armies and their responses to insecurity in Africa over the last two decades? • Does the experience of African-led PSOs drive military actors' decision-making during times of crisis? What impact (if any) does African-led PSO have on African military professionalism?

  • Africa
  • Peace operations
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  • Africa
  • Peace operations
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Publications
Report

A quest to win the hearts and minds: Assessing the Effectiveness of the Multinational Joint Task Force

In January 2015, the African Union (AU) authorised the Multinational Joint Task Force (MNJTF) as a regional security arrangement of the Lake Chad Basin Commission (LCBC) to deal with the threat of Boko Haram (BH) in the Lake Chad region. Its mandate includes the responsibility of ensuring a safe and secure environment in the areas affected by the BH insurgency, reducing violent attacks against civilians, facilitating stabilisation programmes in the Lake Chad region, facilitating humanitarian operations and the provision of assistance to affected populations. To achieve its mandate, the MNJTF undertakes both kinetic and non-kinetic operations. Its mandate has been renewed yearly since 2015, and in December 2022, the AU renewed its mandate for another 12 months. This report assesses the effectiveness of the MNJTF in delivering on its three mandate priorities to generate recommendations for the enhancement of the MNJTF´s overall effectiveness.

  • Africa
  • Peace operations
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  • Africa
  • Peace operations
Publications
Publications

Africa in 2022

Dr Andrew E. Yaw Tchie shares his assessment on what have been the most significant issues shaping Africa in 2022.

  • Africa
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  • Africa
Publications
Publications

Focus on Africa: Security in West Africa

Dr Andrew E. Yaw Tchie discusses recent peace and security developments in West Africa (from min. 32:08).

  • Africa
  • Conflict
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  • Africa
  • Conflict
Publications
Publications

Waging Peace, towards an Africa Union Stabilisation Strategy for Somalia

Over the last few years, successful military operations across Somalia have helped to unshackle towns south of Mogadishu from al Shabaab, demonstrating the capacity of the African Union Mission to Somalia (amisom) to achieve parts of its mandate. However, friction between the Federal Government of Somalia and the Federal Member States have heightened tensions and rifts over elections, state management and overall security, despite significant international support. Despite amisom s efforts, the legacies of the 1990s civil war have remained unresolved, and state restoration has been disrupted by political, clannish, environmental and structural challenges. In contrast, al Shabaab remains adaptable, resilient and exploits grievances, local dynamics, and competition over resources. This paper argues, the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council needs to re-mandate and reinforce amisom in conjunction with an AU stabilisation strategy for Somalia which exploits experiences from the AU’s Regional Stabilisation Strategy for the Lake Chad Basin.

  • Africa
  • Peace operations
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  • Africa
  • Peace operations
Publications
Publications

No clear exit for SAMIM in Mozambique

The SADC Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM) has been extended multiple times, and violence continues to affect the northern regions of the country in spite of the presence of thousands of troops, with no clear exit for SAMIM in sight. These were some of the findings of a recent seminar entitled Examining the Effectiveness of a New Generation of African Peace Operations, hosted by the Security Institute for Governance and Leadership in Africa (SIGLA), the Effectiveness of Peace Operations Network (EPON) and the Training for Peace (TfP) Programme.

  • Africa
  • Peace, crisis and conflict
  • Peace operations
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  • Africa
  • Peace, crisis and conflict
  • Peace operations
Publications

Ad-hoc Security Initiatives, an African response to insecurity

This article contends that Ad-hoc Security Initiatives (ASI) have developed over the last decade in the Sahel and Lake Chad Basin and represents a new form of African collective security mechanism. The G5 Sahel Force and the Multi-National Joint Task Force emerged from a context-specific need for small clusters of African states to respond collectively to a shared cross-border security threat(s). The existing African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) mechanisms were not specific and responsive enough to meet this emerging need. Despite substantial investments over the last twenty years by the African Union, Regional Economic Community/ Regional Mechanisms and international partners to establish the African Standby Force, this instrument was not agile enough to respond to the type of threats experienced in the greater Sahel region. In this article, we trace the emergence of a new type of ASI, examine how they fill an essential gap and analyse why the African Standby Force was not able to meet this need. We then consider the implications of these developments for the future of the APSA and how closer collaboration between ASIs and APSA can be developed.

  • Security policy
  • Diplomacy and foreign policy
  • Regions
  • Africa
  • Peace, crisis and conflict
  • Peace operations
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  • Security policy
  • Diplomacy and foreign policy
  • Regions
  • Africa
  • Peace, crisis and conflict
  • Peace operations
Publications
Publications
Policy brief

Standby security arrangements and deployment setbacks: The case of the African Standby Force

The African Standby Force (ASF) is a key mechanism for advancing African agency in addressing the continent’s peace and security threats. The African Union (AU), regional economic communities (RECs) and regional mechanisms (RMs) have previously deployed stabilisation missions and ad hoc security initiatives (ASIs). Yet these deployments don’t strictly reflect the principles envisaged in the original ASF make-up and authorisation processes. In this report, the authors argue that the future of the ASF future should be seen as an opportunity for the AU and RECs/RMs to standardise the quest for African agency and adopt an agile approach that aims for better partnerships between the RECs, ASIs and member states.

  • Security policy
  • Africa
  • Peace operations
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  • Security policy
  • Africa
  • Peace operations
Publications
Publications

States of Disorder, Ecosystems of Governance: Complexity Theory Applied to UN Statebuilding in the DRC and South Sudan

Dr Andrew Tchie reviews the book "States of Disorder, Ecosystems of Governance: Complexity Theory Applied to UN Statebuilding in the DRCand SOuth Sudan" by Dr Adam Day.

  • Africa
  • Governance
  • United Nations
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  • Africa
  • Governance
  • United Nations
Publications
Publications

UK new Prime Minister and her focus on Africa

Dr Andrew Tchie, on BBC World News, touches on what the relationship between the new UK Prime Minister Liz Truss and Africa will be moving forward.

  • Foreign policy
  • Africa
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  • Foreign policy
  • Africa
Publications
Publications

Understanding Africa’s Adaptability to Peace and Security Challenges

Dr Andrew Tchie reviews the book "African Peacekeeping Training Centres: Socialisation as a Tool for Peace?"

  • Security policy
  • Africa
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  • Security policy
  • Africa
Publications
Publications

Should UN peacekeepers remain in Africa?

Africa has had more UN peacekeeping missions than any other region in the world. Today more than fifty thousand troops are deployed with UN operations on the continent. Despite this, violence still continues in some of these areas and in some places, there is anger over the UN's continued presence. Just last month, anti-UN protests erupted in Goma and Butembo, in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo, when citizens accused the UN of failing to contain violence by armed groups. While in Mali, UN troop rotations were suspended for a month after the government arrested 49 soldiers from Ivory Coast, saying they had arrived in the country without permission. Ivory Coast said the soldiers were part of the UN peacekeeping mission in Mali. So, what is the future of UN peacekeeping in Africa? Host: Alan Kasujja (@kasujja) Guests: Dr. Cedric de Coning, a research professor at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs and Senior Advisor at the African Center for the Constructive Resolution of Disputes and Dr. Yvan Yenda Ilunga, Assistant Professor of Political Science and International Relations at Salve Regina University.

  • Africa
  • Peace, crisis and conflict
  • Peace operations
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  • Africa
  • Peace, crisis and conflict
  • Peace operations
Publications
Publications

Tshisekedi hopeful that the Luanda summit will lead to a de-escalation of violence

Following the talks in Luanda, Democratic Republic of Congo's President Felix Tshisekedi expressed hope that the summit would lead to a de-escalation of violence, between his country and Rwanda. Preventive Terrorism Consultant and President of the Africa Security Forum Temitope Olodo, and Senior Researcher at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, Dr Andrew E. Yaw Tchie, weigh in on the development.

  • Africa
  • Peace, crisis and conflict
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  • Africa
  • Peace, crisis and conflict
Publications
Publications

Will Chad's latest peace agreement hold?

Chad's Transitional Military Council has signed a peace deal aimed at ending decades of conflict. The agreement is the first step towards democratic elections and a new constitution. Although many political factions signed the deal, Chad's largest armed group Front for Change and Concord (FACT) walked out of negotiations when its demands were not met. The question then becomes whether the much-anticipated national dialogue will go ahead on August 20. So, how far off is stability and democracy in the Central African nation? Dr Andrew E. Yaw Tchie discusses the implications of the recent events for peace and security in neighbouring countries in the region.

  • Terrorism and extremism
  • Diplomacy
  • Africa
  • Peace, crisis and conflict
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  • Terrorism and extremism
  • Diplomacy
  • Africa
  • Peace, crisis and conflict
Publications

The African Union’s Civilian Strategic Support Group

Since 2006, the African Union has played an active role in strengthening civilian engagement across its Peace Support Operations (PSOs) through the development of the Policy Framework for the Civilian Dimension of the African Standby Force in 2006 and the subsequent formation of the Civilian Strategic Support Group (CSSG) in 2015. This policy brief examines the development of the CSSG and its efforts to date, and offers an overview on how and why the civilian component should be further enhanced within future AU PSOs.

  • Africa
  • Peace operations
  • AU
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  • Africa
  • Peace operations
  • AU
Publications
Publications
Report
Andrew E. Yaw Tchie, Fiifi Edu-Afful, Festus Kofi Aubyn, Ousmane Aly Diallo, Mariana Llorens Zabala

Shifting from External Dependency: Remodelling the G5 Sahel Joint Force for the Future

After a decade of battling jihadist and violent extremist groups in West Africa, France has initiated the restructuring and relocation of its largest overseas military mission in the Sahel with an announcement of the withdrawal of Operation Barkhane (the French military counterterrorism intervention) from Mali. The exit over the coming months may signify an important shift of western military operations in Mali and the Sahel. France’s deployment in the Sahel was initially triggered by the activities of Tuareg separatists in the northern part of Mali. Islamic extremists closely associated with Al-Qaeda took advantage of the situation, seizing north Mali and spreading their activities southwards in 2012. Despite French counterterrorism operations, instability worsened, and Islamists controlled vast swathes of northern and central Mali, parts of Burkina Faso, and western Niger. Over time, under the motivation of France, the G5 Sahel Joint Force (G5S-JF) was created to address the everyday challenges of terrorism and transnational organised crime among the five member states (Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, and Niger). For a force supported by three United Nations Security Council Resolutions 2359 (2017), 2391 (2017) and 2480 (2019); and with a force strength of 5600 troops organised around three sectors,1 its operational successes have been a mixed bag (ten joint border operations). Operation Barkhane together with European Union Training Mission Mali (EUTM), the Capacity Building Mission in Mali (EUCAP Sahel Mali) and Niger (EUCAP Sahel Niger) and the United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA), has enhanced the operational readiness and capabilities of the G5 Sahel through mentoring, training, and funding of the joint-force operations. Additionally, these external operations, particularly Barkhane, have been supportive of the activities of G5S-JF by providing intelligence, supporting logistical and joint planning, providing aerial and air support, and engaging in medical evacuation. Notwithstanding, the Joint Force has been contending with weak intelligence, shortfalls in equipment, limited aerial capabilities and a lack of rapid response, which invariably hinders operational effectiveness. The Joint Force represents an essential step toward addressing the instability that affects Mali and the broader Sahel, but as of yet, the G5S-JF has been unable to fully demonstrate its effectiveness as a force despite significant support from donor countries such as France. Moreover, it is uncertain how Mali´s withdrawal from the Joint Force will impact on the overall strategy of the G5S-JF and its sustainability going forward, especially given Mali’s recent announcement of withdrawing from the G5 Sahel. The departure of Barkhane, together with Takuba and other European arrangements from Mali, raises many unanswered questions about the funding, operational capacity and political cooperation between the other member states of the Joint Force. Even though France has reiterated that it will continue to support peacekeepers serving under MINUSMA; and Malian troops continuing to battle Islamic violent extremism after the Barkhane withdrawal, the response time to jihadist attacks and activities inside Malian territory will not be the same. Without Barkhane, the G5S-JF will struggle to protect civilians, evacuate soldiers in need of medical attention, and support effective joint planning and coordination of G5S-JF and intelligence sharing —which has been instrumental in the fight against jihadist. To address emerging challenges, enhance the ability of the G5S-JF and sustain its support, this report proposes four possible options that could fill the gap resulting from the current security vacuum being created following the possible withdrawal of some of the external military forces from Mali, and Mali itself from the G5S-JF. In arriving at these proposed options, emphasis is placed on regional perspectives, which draws on African frameworks and the use of African resources, experience, capabilities and understanding. The report argues that this would allow better ownership and closer proximity to the issues, ensuring that international partners are not dictating how the region and African Union (AU) Member States (MS) should solve challenges. The evaluation considered the full spectrum of options to include: • A reconfigured and scaled-up G5 Sahel Joint Force (Plus); • A reconfigured G5 Sahel Joint Force and revised MISAHEL through the AU, ECOWAS, ECCAS and CENSAD; • An integrated ECOWAS (deployment of the African Standby Force) utilising the G5 Sahel force; and • Elevating the G5 Sahel force to an AU (Peace Enforcement mission) with UN support. The proposed options focus on military and hybrid solutions that can tackle existing challenges in the Sahel and West Africa as a whole. However, defeating jihadism and violent extremism is essentially a job that should include intelligence and police authorities to win the hearts and minds of the population, but this cannot be done solely with hard stabilisation efforts. Tackling the vast challenges in the Sahel requires a careful mix of adaptive, agile and sustained efforts that cut across social, economic, political, developmental, humanitarian and recovery instruments and support. Thus, the report suggests additional stabilisation efforts to support the Sahel focused on local, national, regional and international initiatives that can connect to the ground and tackle internal challenges comprehensively. These initiatives, it will be argued, can plug into existing structures but also help to support structures not fully recognised. Efforts to resolve the problems in the Sahel stand a much greater chance of success if fully supported with buy-in from the AU, together with ECOWAS and support from the UN, EU and donors that can draw on the full spectrum of available instruments which have a demonstrable desire to work with like-minded partners. The authors of this report believe that a scaled-up and reconfigured G5 Sahel Joint Force (G5 Sahel Plus) option (discussed below) would have been the optimal model. However, following the recent withdrawal of Mali from the G5S-JF and the deteriorating political landscape in the region and between states, the authors’ reassessment calls for an AU Peace Enforcement mission as the most appropriate, given the current situation. It is important to note, the recommendations provided in this report hinge on the ability of the current and former G5S-JF states to address and resolve the deteriorating political situation, which is fluid in nature and continuously evolving. This will require all states (current and former G5S-JF) to recognise that they need each other to address these challenges, and that any reconfiguration (the models provided in this report) depends on the political situation being fully addressed. There is a need, as the models indicate, to have more joint efforts between the AU and ECOWAS to assist in resolving the current impasses in the region.

  • Security policy
  • Peace operations
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  • Security policy
  • Peace operations
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Publications
Report
Sarah-Myriam Martin-Brûlé, Andrew E. Yaw Tchie, Olajumoke ( Jumo) Ayandele, Thea Willoch Njaastad

UNITAMS Mandate Renewal Study: Fostering a Process of Trust and Inclusivity

The United Nations Integrated Transition Assistance Mission in Sudan (UNITAMS) was established on 3 June 2020 under UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolution 2524 to support Sudan during its transition to democratic rule and it was renewed the following year through SC 2579(2021). UNITAMS was conceived of and designed to respond to new and long-standing issues in Sudan: the political transition process that began with the December 2018 revolution and the legacy of armed conflicts. The Mission’s mandate explicitly recognises the adverse effects of climate change on the stability of Sudan and stresses the need for appropriate risk assessment and risk management strategies. Yet, since the adoption of the Mission’s mandate in June 2020 and its renewal in June 2021, Sudan’s political, security and economic situation has deteriorated significantly. An attempted military coup in September 2021, followed by a successful coup d’état on 25 October 2021, has further worsened Sudan’s political crisis, increasing insecurity, undermining the economy, and resulting in the interruption of bilateral and international funding—all amidst the continuing global pandemic. This fast-changing political, security and economic context has placed UNITAMS in a very delicate position in relation to the host government. It has required UNITAMS to focus a significant portion of its attention on good offices and diplomacy so that, together with the African Union (AU), Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), and other international partners and Sudanese stakeholders, it can support a process aimed at bringing Sudan’s transition back on track. While the UNITAMS mandate remains relevant and adequate, the Mission must continue to be allowed the flexibility to adapt its focus to the fast-changing dynamics on the ground. UNITAMS’ good offices’ role should remain at the centre of the Mission’s efforts during the next mandated period, helping Sudanese to find an inclusive political settlement that can secure a transition to democratic rule in the medium to long term. At the same time, the Mission should continue its work in support of its other objectives and priorities, including the protection of civilians, the implementation of the peace agreement, and advisory and capacity building, particularly related to the rule-of-law sector. The Mission should strengthen its focus on and ability to integrate climate-related security risks into its analytical work, especially as it relates to supporting local conflict prevention, mitigation and reconciliation efforts to prevent inter-communal violence. While there has been significant progress in strengthening collaboration among the UN, AU and IGAD, maintaining and sustaining the partnership must remain a key priority in the Mission’s work to promote regional stability.

  • Peace operations
  • Humanitarian issues
  • Conflict
  • Fragile states
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  • Peace operations
  • Humanitarian issues
  • Conflict
  • Fragile states
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Publications

Assessing the Effectiveness of the United Nations Mission to South Sudan (UNMISS)

Ahead of the March 2022 renewal of the mandate for the UN Mission in South Sudan (UNMISS), the Effectiveness of Peace Operations Network (EPON) conducted an assessment focused on two core mandate areas: protection of civilians (PoC) and support for the peace process. Based on the assessment to follow, the report lays out several strategic considerations for the new UNMISS mandate: Contingency planning and preparedness: The Mission has made significant progress in building contingency plans and preparedness for a future rise in violence. Given the uncertainty around the peace process, continuing to augment the Mission’s early warn- ing and action capacities will be important. The benefits and limitations of mobility: The Mission has developed a robust capacity to deploy quick reaction forces and temporary operating bases (TOBs) across much of South Sudan, which has enabled it to play an important role in mitigating violence in some situations. Useful, small, nimble constellations of forces are very unlikely to ade- quately address the kinds of violence sporadically committed by local militia groups or large-scale mobilisation of forces, as witnessed in 2013 and 2016. Nevertheless, main- taining the current troop levels may be important in allowing the Mission to position itself for a potential rise in tensions over 2022-23. A risk-based approach to the city and surrounding areas of Malakal: The redesig- nation process has gone well so far, with no major incidents of violence related to the handover of the sites. The eventual redesignation of the PoC site at Malakal may prove the most difficult, given the elevated tension in the broader Malakal area. The Mission’s current decision not to proceed with redesignation is helpful in this regard, and future discussions should be guided by a broad-based understanding of the risks in Upper Nile State. Subnational conflict resolution: Some of UNMISS’ most effective engagements have been in addressing subnational conflict. The 2016 relapse into civil war demonstrated that localised forms of violence can spread quickly, contributing to much larger-scale fighting. Identifying ways to rapidly bolster the civilian presence in hotspot areas – potentially developing and resourcing temporary presences that allow for greater civilian accommodation – could have a beneficial impact. A resource and personnel increase around elections: UNMISS is already positioned to support the national elections and could use the process to amplify its broader role in the Revitalized Agreement on the Resolution of the Conflict in South Sudan (R-ARCSS). This will likely require an increase in resources and personnel in the 2022-23 period. In the lead up to the new mandate in 2022, the Security Council should be guided by the continuing assessment of the Mission leadership on the levels and kind of support that might be needed, including at national and subnational levels. A constitutional opening: The R-ARCSS envisages a new constitution in place prior to elections. A new constitution could be a major step forward, opening the door to much-needed power-sharing arrangements, a framework to address national-level rec- onciliation, and a centre-periphery relationship that allows for a much more equitable distribution of wealth. This could be a real opportunity for the UN to play a construc- tive role (especially given the deep knowledge of constitutional processes of the Special Representative of the Secretary-General (SRSG), Nicholas Haysom). Responsibility for inclusiveness: The success or failure of the constitutional and elec- toral processes will hinge largely on the extent to which the South Sudanese population views them as legitimate. Here, UNMISS’ work at the subnational level can play a vital role in increasing support for the peace process, including for governors’ forums and other local processes to facilitate ground-up engagement with the R-ARCSS. It would be useful for the Council to highlight this work and accompany it with a clear message to the R-ARCSS parties that they bear responsibility for implementing an inclusive approach to the constitution and elections. A return to state-building? While no one is seriously considering a complete return to a state-building mandate as in 2011, there may be a push by some Member States to include more capacity-building and support to state institutions in the upcoming man- date. The EPON report recommends caution in such deliberations: despite progress on the peace agreement, the South Sudanese Government is viewed with strong suspicion by many communities, especially those that were targeted during the war. Any capac- ity-building mandate should be careful to avoid being seen as “putting a finger on the scales” of a delicate inter-ethnic balance. Order from regional chaos: It is very unlikely that the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) will play a robust or well-organised role in driving the peace process. Indeed, if current trends continue, the organisation may have even less capacity or focus on the R-ARCSS, further orphaning South Sudan at a time when political and operational progress is sorely needed. The African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council and the UN Security Council may need to revisit the roles and responsibilities allocated to the key players in this context, possibly identifying new areas for more direct support by the AU and UN. The constitutional and electoral processes offer an opening for such a discussion, and for a re-evaluation of how the broader international commu- nity may need to step into the gaps that exist among the regional players. Climate security: South Sudan is deeply affected by climate change, from the desertifi- cation that has driven herding communities further south over recent decades to increas- ingly erratic rainfall patterns that have led to the flooding of major rivers across the country. The 2021 UNMISS mandate recognises the role of climate change in driving risks. Far more resources and attention will be needed, if the UN is to play a meaningful role in meeting the climate security challenges. Humanitarian risks: The risks to humanitarian actors in South Sudan are worth men- tioning as an area of concern for the Security Council. There are reports of increased intimidation and even violence against humanitarian actors, risks which could increase in the lead up to elections. Given UNMISS’ mandate to facilitate humanitarian delivery, calls for the Mission to protect humanitarian actors may well grow. Women and youth: Continuing threats to women and children will require UNMISS to maintain and expand its protection work in these areas. Preliminary research also indi- cates a persistent threat of sexual violence against women, girls and boys, while young men are frequent targets of recruitment into violent groups. Greater consideration could be given to these dynamics in the upcoming Council deliberations, especially given UNMISS’ role in promoting more inclusive approaches to the peace process. Space for innovation and flexibility: One of the key lessons from the 2018 EPON report and today is that UNMISS is capable of significant innovation and flexibility within the mandates given to it thus far. A recurrent message from Mission leadership and experts consulted was not to impede UNMISS with overly prescriptive mandate language. Particularly at a potentially volatile period with uncertainty over the election process, allowing the Mission space to move resources where they are most needed will be very important.

  • Africa
  • Peace operations
  • Conflict
  • United Nations
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  • Africa
  • Peace operations
  • Conflict
  • United Nations
Publications
Publications

ECOWAS leaders hold an emergency summit in Ghana after a series of coups on the continent

At an emergency summit in Ghana, West African regional group ECOWAS held off on ramping up penalties on Burkina Faso over its military coup. Last month, it followed Mali and Guinea, to become the third member of the block to undergo a putsch in less than two years. All three have been suspended from ECOWAS, but Burkina Faso, so far, has not faced the crippling trade and economic sanctions. The Burkina Faso Junta have shown willingness to return to constitutional order. However, there remains a wider concern over the number of coups seen in the region in the last couple of years remains. Dr Andrew E. Yaw Tchie discusses ECOWAS´ condemnations and sanctions over the coups and whether this concern is merited.

  • Africa
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  • Africa
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Publications

After the Coup: Regional Strategies for Sudan

The civilian leadership that is currently coordinating the civil protest can start talks with the military to hand over power in exchange for immunity. The international community; and particularly the US and its allies in Europe could help those talks through imposing timely targeted sanctions on Al-Burhan and his allies until an agreement is reached and implemented. After a settlement is reached, the civilian leadership needs to coordinate with the FFC, the armed movements, the hold out armed groups that have held out and the new military commanders through an appointed legislative council. The council should be tasked and mandated to set out a comprehensive vision for the transitional period through appointing the remaining institutions of the government and developing a clear and doable road map to the post-transition elections. And, through the legislative council, all three actors need to agree on implementing a series of programmes and deadlines to disarm, demobilise and reintegrate combatants of the armed groups and RSF into the SAF; and depoliticise the SAF which will require technical expertise and support from regional bodies such as the African Union and IGAD. Thus, it is crucial for the AU and IGAD —with support only from the Trokia states only—to consider a coherent stabilisation strategy for Sudan as a part of a broader regional stabilisation strategy anchored on AU principles that take into consideration the fluidity of the context on the ground and puts in place sustained security guarantees, economic, political and technical support with a variety of measures that help to stabilise the country and its future.

  • Africa
  • Conflict
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  • Africa
  • Conflict
Media
Media
Media

Sudan´s Power Struggle

Sudans statsminister Abdalla Hamdok har gått av. Dr Andrew Yaw Tchie fra NUPI diskuterer komponentene som har hindret landet i bevege seg framover.

  • Regions
  • Africa
  • Peace, crisis and conflict
  • Conflict
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  • Regions
  • Africa
  • Peace, crisis and conflict
  • Conflict
Publications

Understanding Ad-Hoc Security Intitiatives in Africa

The policy brief examines the rise of ad-hoc security initiatives (ASIs) as an established type of collective security mechanism. ASIs are intended to eliminate threats posed by non-state armed groups, and operate across the borders of participating countries to enable the pursuit of such groups. ASIs have emerged because existing African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) mechanisms were not specific or responsive enough to meet this ongoing need. The Regional Cooperation Initiative for the Elimination of the Lord’s Resistance Army, the Multinational Joint Task Force, and the G5 Sahel can all be categorised as ASIs.

  • Regions
  • Africa
  • Peace, crisis and conflict
  • Peace operations
  • Conflict
  • Global governance
  • United Nations
  • AU
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  • Regions
  • Africa
  • Peace, crisis and conflict
  • Peace operations
  • Conflict
  • Global governance
  • United Nations
  • AU
Publications
Publications
Scientific article

The impact of climate change on Africa’s peace and security

The gradual rise in global temperatures, irregular rainfall and floods have indirect, complex and coherent implications for peace and security. On March 9 2021, the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council met at state level to discuss these challenges. The Peace and Security Council presented various recommendations concerning climate and security. This op-ed is based on the communique published after the meeting and presents opportunities for how the African Union, together with regional economic communities/regional mechanisms, member states and others, can work together to strengthen efforts surrounding climate and security challenges.

  • Africa
  • Peace operations
  • Climate
  • United Nations
  • Africa
  • Peace operations
  • Climate
  • United Nations
Publications
Publications
Scientific article

COVID-19 and the Resilience of Africa’s Peace and Security Networks

Many commentators predicted that the impact of COVID-19 on Africa, with its high levels of under-development and weak public health systems, will be particularly catastrophic. The effect of the COVID-19 pandemic on the health and economic sectors have exposed and compounded preexisting social, political, and environmental vulnerabilities, especially in conflict-affected countries and regions, and have severely stress-tested their social cohesion and resilience. Global and local peacemaking, peacekeeping and peacebuilding efforts in Africa have also been significantly disrupted. More than 1 year into the COVID-19 pandemic in Africa, however, the emerging pattern is one of resilience rather than insecurity and chaos. This article assesses the disruption caused by COVID-19 to Africa’s peace and security networks and considers how a complexity informed Adaptive Peacebuilding approach can assist in strengthening community resilience and stimulating self-organized adaptive capacity. The spread of the virus is still increasing steadily, and the situation is likely to get worse before it gets better. The question is what can African civil society, governments and multilateral organizations do to further strengthen and support the pattern of resilience that has emerged over the first 1 year of the COVID-19 crises in Africa? The author would like to recognize the invaluable research assistance of Neyma Mahomed Ali and the contribution of ACCORD’s COVID-19 Conflict and Resilience Monitor. The engagement with colleagues and contributors stimulated much of the analysis contained in this article.

African Security .jpeg
Publications
Publications
Scientific article

The Impact of COVID-19 on Peace Operations

A few weeks ago, peace operations across the world began swiftly adapting to prevent the spread of the COVID-19 disease. Missions have been forced to take unprecedented steps to cope with the coronavirus pandemic. These efforts may be just the beginning, and much more significant reductions and changes in the way these operations function may be needed over the coming months.

Publications
Publications
Scientific article

COVID-19 and the African Union

Africa represents the third wave of the spread of COVID-19, but its impact may significantly undermine the reform, programmes and operations of the African Union.

Publications
Publications
Scientific article

As the AU tries to contain COVID-19, the virus constrains the AU

The AU cannot simply wait out the coronavirus pandemic: it must adapt and urgently develop new ways of working.

Publications
Publications
Report

Predict and prevent: overcoming early warning implementation challenges in UN peace operations

The UN has made progress in the adoption of new technologies to predict and prevent local violence. To maintain the momentum, it needs to continue to innovate to be able to serve people in need faster, better, and more efficiently. The UN will need to find a way to analyse the enormous amount of data it produces every day. Machine learning to detect patterns in these data and produce early warnings holds great promise in this regard. However, the use of new technologies is not without risk. Collected data can fall into the wrong hands. With budget cuts missions have been forced to reduce their footprint in the field, increasing the reliance on technology. New technology also requires new types of specialist expertise to manage data, and better understanding among all staff of how data should be managed, vetted and put to use. Some have expressed concerns about the use of technologies being at the expense of face-to-face engagements, ultimately resulting in peacekeeping efforts that are divorced from realities on the ground. From a practical point of view, the UN will also have to resolve an uneasy tension between enabling access to these data in order to conduct data-driven early warning analyses on the one hand and the need to prevent any data breaches on the other hand.

  • Peace operations
  • Fragile states
  • International organizations
  • United Nations
  • Peace operations
  • Fragile states
  • International organizations
  • United Nations
Publications
Publications
Report

COVID-19 will change the way the UN conducts peacekeeping operations in the future

The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly disrupted UN peacekeeping operations. In the short-term, activities have been reduced to the most critical, rotations have been frozen, and most staff are working remotely. Most of the missions have adapted remarkably well, but even more extreme changes are likely in the medium term, as the global economic recession that will follow in the wake of the virus may force UN peace operations to drastically contract in size and scope.

  • Africa
  • Pandemics
  • Africa
  • Pandemics
Publications
Publications
Report

COVID-19 and the African Union. Challenges, prospects and side-effects

The African Union is coordinating the effort to contain the spread of COVID-19 in Africa, but the measures introduced are also significantly disrupting the reforms, programmes and operations of the AU.

  • Africa
  • Pandemics
  • International organizations
  • AU
  • Africa
  • Pandemics
  • International organizations
  • AU