Researcher
Bjørnar Sverdrup-Thygeson
Contactinfo and files
Summary
Bjørnar Sverdrup-Thygeson is Senior Research Fellow at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), specializing in Chinese foreign policy, Europe-China relations, and international relations theory. He holds a PhD from the LSE, after studies at Oxford and universities in Norway and China.
His research interests cover international relations theory, global history, and Chinese foreign policies of the past and present. He will be/is part of NUPIs research projects on foreign investments in Norway (COINS), infrastructure politics in Southeast Asia (ROADS) and Chinese diplomacy (ANGER), as well as contributing to the development of NUPIs research profile on China and Asia more broadly.
Expertise
Education
2014-2019 PhD in International Relations, London School of Economics and Political Science. Thseis: 'The Identity Factor in China-Europe Relations'
2013-2014 Language studies and research, Chinese Language Program, Sichuan University, Chengdu, PR China
2012-2013 MSc in Modern Chinese Studies, University of Oxford
2010-2012 MSc in International Relations, Norwegian University of Life Sciences
2011-2012 Chinese Language Program Exchange studies, fall semester. Tsinghua University, Beijing, PR China
2007-2010 BA in International Studies, University of Oslo
Work Experience
2021- Senior Research Fellow, Norwegian Institute of international Affairs
2019-2021 Senior Advisor, Norwegian Defence Establishment
2014-2019 Research Fellow, Norwegian Institute of international Affairs
2014 Seminar leader and guest lecturer. Teaching at the MSc programme in International Relations. Courses EDS 302, 372, and 374. Norwegian University of Life Sciences
2015 Guest lecturer lecturing on China and identity politics, Bjørknes University College
2014 Course Coordinator and lecturer, responsible for the International Politics course of the International Summer School, University of Oslo
2011-2012 Intern, Norwegian Institute of International Affairs
Aktivitet
Filter
Clear all filters
How to engage with China?
In this episode of The World stage, Rana Mitter, Professor at the University of Oxford, and Bjørnar Sverdrup-Thygeson, Senior Research Fellow at N...
Government allocates NOK 45 million to Geopolitics Research Centre led by NUPI
Kina med storstilt ideologisk oppløsning
Et kommunistregime soler sin politiske modell i olympisk glans, på tross av boikotthandlinger fra USA og vestlige land. OL i Beijing speiler imidlertid en radikalt annerledes ideologisk utfordring enn den fra Moskva-OL i 1980.
Kina balanserer i bomberegnet
Invasjonen av Ukraina stiller Kina overfor dilemmaer de hadde håpet å unngå. Det kan føre til at Kina demper sin viktige økonomiske støtte til Putin.
China’s coercive diplomacy: Why it’s on the rise and what it means for Scandinavia
Amid a wider deterioration of relations between China and the West since around 2018, the Chinese government has stepped up its use of economic coercion and other types of non-military coercive measures, targeting Western countries that challenge its core interests. The observed change is distinctive in both quantitative and qualitative terms as the Chinese authorities have not only employed coercive measures more frequently, but also across a wider set of policy objectives than previously. Using a revised dataset, the Brief offers new insights into these development trends, demonstrating how they are driven primarily by perceived violations of China’s expanding development interests. The Brief discusses the findings in the specific context of the Scandinavian countries which have also found themselves on the receiving end of China’s coercive diplomacy.
More bark than bite? Assessing China’s coercive measures in Scandinavia
Amid growing concern about Chinese coercion, this article examines the extent to which Beijing has resorted to such measures in Scandinavia based on case studies of Denmark and Sweden. Distinguishing between the actual use of and threats of using coercive measures, the article finds few instances of coercion even if Chinese authorities have repeatedly warned of negative consequences of violating China’s interests in the case of Sweden, while frequently expressing anger and frustration at perceived provocations by the Danish government or NGOs. However, as relations between Norway and China have also recently deteriorated, the risks of Norway being subjected to Chinese coercion should be assessed in a broader geographical context given an increasing number of reported cases from other regions.
The Role of External Powers in EU–Asia Security Relations
This chapter maps out the changing roles played by the United States, Russia and India as security actors in East Asia, and their influence on EU foreign and security policies in the region. Detailing the waxing and waning of the US’ ‘unipolar moment’, Russia’s military resurgence, and the increasingly assertive balancing acts of India, the chapter reviews the main policy developments implemented by these three actors since 1990 and how their policies converge or diverge with the EU’s approaches across a range of traditional and non-traditional security issues. The chapter concludes that the challenge for the EU is to advance its interests, and augment the effects, of its policies and instruments in Asia considering the potential for collaboration and contestation with the United States, Russia and India, three very different actors that diverge considerably in both strategic intentions and capabilities.
Norges debatt om kinesiske investeringer: Fra velvillig til varsom
The debate in Norway regarding security concerns related to Chinese investments has seen a notable change in character over a short period of time. From a situation where there was little discernible debate at all, and where negative coverage of Chinese investment flows were mainly concerned with working environment issues, Chinese capital flows to Norway have now also become part of the debate on national security. Two particularities make the case of Norway especially interesting with regards to the broader Nordic debates over the issues discussed in this Fokus section. The Norwegian economy has been particularly well placed to benefit from the extraordinary Chinese economic growth, but Norway has also been in a particularly problematic political position towards China over the last decade. The contrast between these two factors has been a structuring trait of the Norwegian China debate. Nevertheless, the Norwegian public debate on China has been relatively positive over a long period of time. This has been given impetus by the positive experiences reported from the Norwegian enterprises that have been the target of Chinese acquisitions. However, lately, the public debate has increasingly come to regard the issue also through a political and security-related lens. This changing character is not due to specific events concerning Chinese activities in Norway, as much as being a reflection of broader regional and global trends. The question of Huawei’s role in the coming construction of the 5G network has been a particularly important driver in this regard, as well as conductive link to the international change in opinion.
Chinese Anger Diplomacy (ANGER)
Do liberal-democratic states yield to public criticism by China? ANGER approaches this question by focusing on China's use of "anger diplomacy" - public, vehement displays at the state ...
Research group for Russia, Asia and International Trade