Ukraine: The battle beyond war
Ukraine is fighting for survival against Russia while its democracy faces a second battle at home. Ukrainians show extraordinary trust in the Arme...
Polhavet Arctic Ocean 2050: Science Plan
Polhavet / Arctic Ocean 2050 unites Norwegian and international scientific expertise in a 10-year programme to understand the present and guide the future of the Arctic Ocean . Through interdisciplinary research and innovation and international collaboration , the programme will deliver knowledge and tools for sustainable use, conservation, and geopolitical resilience in a changing Arctic. This Science Plan was written by the Polhavet / Arctic Ocean 2050 working group established by the 18 partner institutions. Co-author from NUPI is Elana Wilson Rowe. Other authors are: A., Årthun, M., Dodd, P., Jentoft, S., Renaud, P., Müller, M., Dankel, D., Bertino, L., Bluhm, B., De Lucia, V., Ellingsen, K., Husum, K., Ingvaldsen, R., Jensen, Ø., Jørgensen, L. L., Jørgensen, S. L., Langehaug, H ., Mooney, P., Østhagen, A., Øverjordet, I. B., Oye, V., Pedersen, M. P., Skodvin, K. E., Søreide, J. E., Sørensen, A., Storelvmo, T., Thorsnes, T., Tjiputra, J., Wilson Rowe, E. & Yoccoz, N.
Polhavet Arctic Ocean 2050: Implementation Plan (2026 -2028)
Polhavet / Arctic Ocean 2050 unites Norwegian and international scientific expertise in a 10-year programme to understand the present and guide the future of the Arctic Ocean. Through interdisciplinary research and innovation and international collaboration, the program me will deliver knowledge and tools for sustainable use, conservation, and geopolitical resilience in a changing Arctic. This Implementation Plan covers the period 2026 -2028 and details the specific tasks the 18 partner organizations in the Norwegian Consortium plans to work on in this period. Co-author from NUPI is Elana Wilson Rowe. Other authors are: A., Årthun, M., Dodd, P., Jentoft, S., Renaud, P., Müller, M., Dankel, D., Bertino, L., Bluhm, B., De Lucia, V., Ellingsen, K., Husum, K., Ingvaldsen, R., Jensen, Ø., Jørgensen, L. L., Jørgensen, S. L., Langehaug, H ., Mooney, P., Østhagen, A., Øverjordet, I. B., Oye, V., Pedersen, M. P., Skodvin, K. E., Søreide, J. E., Sørensen, A., Storelvmo, T., Thorsnes, T., Tjiputra, J., Wilson Rowe, E. & Yoccoz, N.
Norsk forsvarsvilje og forsvarsevne: Hva kan vi lære fra Ukraina?
Hva skaper forsvarsvilje og hvordan vedlikeholdes den? Russlands angrepskrig i Ukraina og hvordan Ukraina har maktet å stå imot gir oss et unikt vindu for å undersøke og forstå disse spørsmålene. I denne rapporten benyttes nylig innsamlede data fra Ukraina for å kartlegge og forstå grunnlaget for Ukrainas forsvarsvilje. Dette gjennomgås i rapportens første del. I den andre delen brukes dataene fra Ukraina til å diskutere hva dette innebærer for norsk forsvarsvilje. Hvilke av erfaringene og lærdommene fra Ukraina er relevante for Norge? Hva er grunnlaget for norsk forsvarsvilje og hvilke utfordringer står Norge ovenfor når forsvarsviljen ikke bare må opprettholdes, men også styrkes?
Resilience and resistance in times of war
What are people willing to do, and to accept, when war becomes everyday life? This seminar will look closer at civilian resilience in Ukraine and what Total Defence will ask of Norway.
Infrastructures in Cyber Conflict and Warfare
Infrastructure has played a foundational yet often underexplored role in cyber conflict and warfare. While typically treated as a backdrop to more prominent analytical concerns, infrastructure is in fact central to the very existence and functioning of the cyber domain, shaping both civilian and military operations. This chapter in De Gruyter Handbook of Cyber Conflict and Warfare surveys the diverse bodies of scholarship that engage with infrastructure in cyber warfare, revealing how different studies conceptualize what infrastructure is and what it does. Aanonsen and Gjesvik identify three overlapping approaches: infrastructure as a target and object of protection; infrastructure as a capability and source of power; and infrastructure as a force that shapes the practices and nature of warfare itself. Despite increasing attention, significant gaps remain in understanding how infrastructures influence cyber conflict. As scholarship moves from theoretical to empirical studies of cyber warfare, investigating the evolving role of infrastructures offers a promising path for future research.
NATO 3.0 and the role of Ukraine
The European pillar in NATO is strengthened as US is gradually withdrawing its support to security on the continent. What part will Ukraine play?
Recognition and Japan’s Post-coup Diplomacy in Myanmar and Afghanistan
How does Japan diplomatically engage with post-coup countries? Officially, it does not maintain diplomatic relations. Unofficially, however, Japan conducts a vibrant post-coup diplomacy. Probing different forms of recognition, this article investigates how Japan manages its diplomacy with countries where illiberal, military governments have violently assumed power. Since the military government’s coup in Myanmar in 2021, Japan has adapted its policies in terms of magnitude, span and content to remain engaged in this strategic location. Similarly, since the Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan in 2021, Japan has shifted its contributions for humanitarian assistance, political process and economic infrastructure. In both cases, Japan has crafted its post-coup relations amid intensifying great power dynamics on the one hand, and a changing domestic policy agenda for foreign aid and security on the other. Japan has developed its own distinct form of post-coup diplomacy that involves a ‘pragmatic’ approach to engagement and implied forms of recognition.
Recognition and Japan’s Post-coup Diplomacy in Myanmar and Afghanistan
How does Japan diplomatically engage with post-coup countries? Officially, it does not maintain diplomatic relations. Unofficially, however, Japan conducts a vibrant post-coup diplomacy. Probing different forms of recognition, this article investigates how Japan manages its diplomacy with countries where illiberal, military governments have violently assumed power. Since the military government’s coup in Myanmar in 2021, Japan has adapted its policies in terms of magnitude, span and content to remain engaged in this strategic location. Similarly, since the Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan in 2021, Japan has shifted its contributions for humanitarian assistance, political process and economic infrastructure. In both cases, Japan has crafted its post-coup relations amid intensifying great power dynamics on the one hand, and a changing domestic policy agenda for foreign aid and security on the other. Japan has developed its own distinct form of post-coup diplomacy that involves a ‘pragmatic’ approach to engagement and implied forms of recognition.