Reinforcing Trust, Evoking Nostalgia and Contrasting China: Japan's Foreign Policy Repertoire and Identity Construction in Myanmar
In the immediate aftermath of the military coup in Myanmar in February 2021, Western countries and the EU condemned the coup, imposed targeted sanctions against military leaders and military-owned companies, and redirected essential humanitarian aid to NGOs. Japan, however, chose to neither align with its democratic allies nor completely suspend its aid. Despite a long and complicated pre-war history and limited engagement after 1988, Japan-Myanmar relations experienced a resurgence between 2012 and 2021. This article contends that one key driving force in contemporary relations is identity construction. Drawing on the literature on relational identity and foreign policy repertoires, the article demonstrates how the discursive statements and embodied practices of a network of Japanese identity entrepreneurs activate, negotiate, and renegotiate the identities of the Japanese Self and its Others. Through an analysis of interviews conducted with elite stakeholders in Myanmar and Japan, the article studies Japan’s constructed identity as an economic great power and post-war development pioneer, peace promoter, and diplomatic mediator. It finds that Japan constructs its identity temporally in terms of nostalgia (natsukashisa) and a longing for a time when Japan was a post-war industrial powerhouse, but also spatially in terms of Japan’s legal, moral, and industrial superiority over other countries involved in Myanmar’s development, in particular vis-à-vis China.
Breakfast seminar: USA and geopolitics
Kenneth R. Weinstein will give us insight into US foreign policy and geopolitics at this seminar.
Norway’s handling of knowledge relations with states outside its security cooperation
Norwegian authorities have for several years actively promoted internationalization of the knowledge sector. This includes collaboration with authoritarian countries such as China and Russia, which are not part of Norway’s security cooperation. However, in the last few years, we have seen a clear turn towards questions of national security and the status of liberal norms garnering more attention, also with consideration to knowledge relations. We observe this in sharper warnings from the security services, revised legislation and regulations and new guidelines for knowledge collaboration with countries such as China and Russia. In this article we study these changes and discuss their possible implications. Empirically, we build on survey and interview data, and we examine policy documents and media reports on relevant incidents. In terms of theory, we draw on explanations grounded in the geopolitics and securitization literature. We argue that measures that are introduced to protect national security and liberal norms may also limit the operational space for independent research and thus change the parameters for academic freedom, especially in relation to activities with connection to actors from non-allied states. To avoid unnecessarily restrictive conditions, researchers and their institutions should actively demonstrate and communicate how they work to ensure responsibility in their knowledge relations. This is especially important in situations where ethical and security-related challenges are obvious.
Nordic countries and knowledge collaboration with authoritarian non-allied states: conditional openness with stronger demands for protection
The conditions surrounding international knowledge production and collaboration are changing. What has long remained a field characterized by overtly liberal and open practices is now subject to more scrutiny with regards to protecting national security and academic freedom. Developments concerning China especially, but also Russia, and other authoritarian states with knowledge-related ambitions have alerted authorities in many liberal, democratic states. This is the case in the Nordic region, too. In this focus edition, we study why and how stricter conditions for international knowledge collaboration are emerging in Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Finland. We are especially interested in problematizing and explaining what happens when stronger security concerns and calls for protection meet liberal norms, including academic freedom.
Verden vil til Arktis – hva vil vi?
Denne rapporten er et sammendrag av Utenriksdepartementets Respons-konferanse som ble avholdt i samarbeid med UiT den 13. mai 2024. Konferansen startet med åpningsinnlegg fra UiT-rektor Dag Rune Olsen og Tromsøs ordfører Gunnar Wilhelmsen, samt en tale fra Utenriksminister Espen Barth Eide. Etter dette fulgte tre bolker med talere som ga ulike analyser av og innspill til norsk utenrikspolitikk. I del 1 – Arktis møter verden – deltok Camilla Brekke, Stian Bones, Morten Høglund, Gunn-Britt Retter, Luna Drecker, Gøril Johansen og Odd Emil Ingebrigtsen. I del 2 – Russland i ny arktisk sikkerhetspolitisk kontekst – innledet statssekretær Eivind Vad Petersson fra Utenriksdepartementet. Deretter bidro Kari Aga Myklebost, Arild Moe, Julie Wilhelmsen, Hans-Jacob Bønå og Terje Aunevik med analyser. Siste bolk – Samarbeid i nord – militært og sivilt – ble åpnet med innlegg fra statssekretær i kommunal- og distriktsdepartementet Sigrun Wiggen Prestbakmo og Sjef Hæren, Generalmajor Lars S. Lervik. Deretter deltok Carina Sammeli, Dan Koivulaasko, Gunnhild Hoogensen Gjørv, Nils-Ole Foshaug, Njord Wegge og Petter Bjørkli i debatt, før Utenriksministeren avrundet seminaret med å svare på spørsmål fra publikum. Moderator for dagen var Jan-Gunnar Winther. Resten av denne rapporten er en sammenstilling av de viktigste budskapene som ble fremført i seminarets ulike bolker.
Anni Roth Hjermann
Anni Roth Hjermann is a Senior Research Fellow at NUPI, working in the Research group for Eastern Europe and Asia. She holds a PhD in Politics and...
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This op-ed is in Norwegian.