Researcher
Øyvind Svendsen
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Summary
Øyvind Svendsen is Senior Research Fellow in the Research group on global order and diplomacy at NUPI. The core themes in his research are foreign policy, diplomacy, and security and defence policy. Svendsen primarily studies these questions in a European context. His PhD is from the Department of Political Science at the University of Copenhagen (2020).
Øyvind is Editor of the journal Cooperation and Conflict, 2023-2027.
Recent publications:
Theorizing Public Performances for International Negotiations. International Studies Quarterly 66(3): 1-12 (2022).
The Politics of Third Countries in EU Security and Defence: Norway, Brexit and Beyond. Cham: Palgrave Macmillan (2022).
The Politics of Competence in Global Health: The European Commission’s Global Response to the COVID-19 Pandemic. European Foreign Affairs Review 26(SI): 15-29 (2021).
‘Practice time!’ Doxic futures in security and defence diplomacy after Brexit. Review of International Studies 46(1): 3-19 (2020).
Spin-off av EØS? Norge og europeisk utenriks-, sikkerhets- og forsvarssamarbeid. Internasjonal Politikk 77(4): 378-387 (2019). (med Pernille Rieker)
Differentiated (Dis)integration in Practice: The Diplomacy of Brexit and the Low Politics of High Politics. Journal of Common Market Studies 57(6): 1419-1430 (2019). (med Rebecca Adler Nissen)
Brexit and the Future of European Defence: Towards a Practice Approach to Differentiated Defence Integration. Journal of European Integration 41(8): 993-1007 (2019).
Expertise
Education
2020 PhD, Department of Political Science, University of Copenhagen
2015 MSc International Relations Theory, London School of Economics
2014 BA International Studies and History, Lillehammer University College
Work Experience
2021- Senior Research Fellow, NUPI
2016-2020 Ph.d. candidate, University of Copenhagen
2015-2016 Lecturer, Lillehammer University College
2010-2011 Grenadier, the Royal Norwegian Air Force
Aktivitet
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Nye allierte, nye mulighetsrom: Norge og Finland i en endret sikkerhetspolitisk kontekst (NORFIN)
his project will study how Finland and Norway refer and relate to each other as security and defence policy allies, what opportunities they see for learning and exchange of experience going forward, a...
‘Global Britain’ and security in the near abroad. Leadership through flexilateralism?
The British government’s vision for a post-Brexit ‘Global Britain’ is increasingly taking shape in (i) the security and defence domain and (ii) the UK’s near abroad. Recent policy documents highlight how the UK sees a strengthened role for itself in tackling security and defence challenges in the Euro-Atlantic region, including in the High North and Arctic. Since Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the UK has increased its security and defence engagement in the Euro-Atlantic region further. While NATO continues to be the key security framework, the UK increasingly resorts to British-led formats like the Northern Group and the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF), along with bi- and trilateral engagements. With JEF-members Finland and Sweden set to join NATO, there is a potential for JEF to take on a more explicit role as a supporting instrument for the alliance, but also to function as an informal political consultation forum prior to action being taken.
Verdens rikeste mann har geopolitiske ambisjoner. Derfor bekymrer Twitter-kjøpet.
Elon Musk's involvement in the Ukraine war and take-over of Twitter raise a number of questions and dilemmas (in Norwegian).
From secret negotiations to Tweetlomacy
Norge må se det nye EU
In this op-ed, Svendsen and Riddervold present the latest developments in the EU, particularly related to health policy. In particular, the authors present and discuss the concept of strategic autonomy and argue that the Norwegian debate about European policies must to a greater extent be based on this very concept.
The Politics of Third Countries in EU Security and Defence: Norway, Brexit and Beyond
This book examines security and defence cooperation between the EU and third countries, in particular the United Kingdom and Norway. Brexit has placed the question of third-party engagement firmly back in the spotlight, especially given the UK’s significance as a security and defence actor, and the failure of both sides to agree terms for cooperation in this area. The book explains why the seemingly obvious need for cooperation and shared strategic interests alone does not lead to frictionless cooperation or integration between the EU and like-minded third countries. Adding a theoretical and conceptual depth to what is still largely an empirical topic, it draws important conclusions about the possibilities and limits of European security and defence cooperation during challenging times. It also raises key questions about the nature and suitability of the pre-existing security and defence architecture in Europe, and the place of non-EU members within it. The book will appeal to academics and students interested in European politics, EU security, and security and defence studies.
Theorizing Public Performances for International Negotiations
This article theorizes how public performances matter in international negotiations. Studies of international negotiations are predominantly focused on power-political instruments in use around the negotiating table. I argue that public communication cannot be dismissed as cheap talk but that it plays a constitutive role in and on international negotiations. Contributing to the international relations (IR) literature on negotiations, the article suggests an orientation toward an increasingly important aspect of international negotiations in a hypermediated world political context, namely public performances that challenge the distinction between domestic signaling and claim-making toward negotiating parties. Hypermediated negotiations mean that much of what goes on in IR is spread to large audiences in new and emerging digital sites in near real time. Actors use public performances to define and legitimize their desired visions for negotiating outcomes. As public performances, these are power-political instruments in and of themselves, part of the array of tactics that states turn to when competing for influence in international negotiations. The theorization is illustrated with an example from the UK–EU Brexit negotiations. The illustration is a qualitative Twitter analysis that shows the performative toolbox in use, as well as the importance of public performances themselves in the endgame of the Brexit negotiations.
The Military Power Seminar 2022 – Northern-Europe in a changing security landscape
What are the consequences of the changing security landscape for security in the north? At this year’s Military Power Seminar, we invite you to a debate on the important political issues related to security in Norway’s immediate neighbourhood.
Krig i Europa – Hva skjer med Nordens forsvars- og sikkerhetspolitikk?
Podcast (in Norwegian) about Nordic security cooperation in the past and present, and how the war in Ukraine is affecting the Nordic states’ security and defence policies.
Re-imagining African—Nordic relations in a changing global order
This study asks how the special relationship between countries in Africa and the Nordic region may be affected by a changing global order, that the African-Nordic cooperation can continue to evolve and remain relevant for both regions. The meeting in Helsinki on 14 June 2022 is the 20th meeting of the forum of African–Nordic Foreign Ministers. The forum was established in 2000 between five Nordic countries and ten African countries. It was intended to emphasize the political importance of Africa and to demonstrate that Africa–Nordic relations went beyond development cooperation. The forum meets alternately and rotates among African and Nordic countries and African hosts have included Benin, Botswana, Mozambique, Nigeria, South Africa and Tanzania. The number of African countries expanded over time and now numbers around 25. The annual meeting is an opportunity to consolidate the special relationship between African and Nordic countries and creates a space where political issues of mutual concern can be discussed. As such, it has helped to broaden the African–Nordic relations beyond development cooperation and towards a more politically-oriented and interest-based strategic partnership. Beyond the annual foreign ministers meeting, the other aspect the report looks into is what the sum-total of African-Nordic bilateral relations in the areas of trade, development, peace and security and multilateral cooperation reveals about the status of the overall relationship. Africa pursues strategic partnerships that helps it to develop and strengthen the continent’s economic potential, political identity, and its role on the global stage. In this study we pay particular attention to Africa’s relationship with China, Europe, India, Russia and Turkey. One of the dominant features of Africa’s international relations has been its non-alignment. African countries have been careful to seek partnerships with many different states and regions, without being pulled into any one alliance that may prevent it from also gaining support for its development from others. Therefore, in its strategic partnerships, African countries seeks engagements that will help it to grow its economies.