IKOS GeoPol PhD course: China and the Future of Geopolitics
This PhD course will explore the state and potential future of geopolitical developments under the influence of a rising China and its increasingly mobile actors, and how this influence is being felt around the globe.
Navigating the Era of Indicators (Navigator)
The European Research Council funded Navigator project (2025-2030) explores how public and private bodies, civil society and the state, navigate the era of indicators in global governa...
Global militær integrasjon i Indo-Stillehavet
Kinas militære opprusting, mer provoserende adferd mot nabostater, og økende grad av samarbeid med Russland, Nord-Korea og Iran har vært katalysatorer for tettere militær integrasjon mellom stater i flere verdensdeler som alle har en felles interesse av å balansere Kina. Den sikkerhetspolitiske dialogen og det militære samarbeidet i Indo-Stillehavet foregår ikke innenfor rammen av en internasjonal organisasjon eller allianse, men i all hovedsak mellom stater i både Asia, Stillehavet, Nord-Amerika, Sør-Amerika og Europa. Nasjonalstatene har inngått et stort antall bilaterale, trilaterale og multilaterale avtaler som har resultert i fremveksten av et omfattende og komplisert sikkerhetsnettverk i Indo-Stillehavet. Samvirket på tvers av landegrensene skjer i hovedsak i rammen av en rekke flernasjonale militære øvelser i Indo-Stillehavet. I tillegg er det et samarbeid innen forsvarsindustrien. Forsvarssamarbeidet resulterer i en stadig økende grad av integrasjon og interoperabilitet, som igjen legger forholdene til rette for å kunne etablere militære ad hoc koalisjoner ved behov. Oppdatert versjon ble publisert 28.04.25.
Malian women's experiences with violent extremism. What is known and how is it known?
This chapter analyses knowledge production about Malian women’s experiences in the context of the global agenda on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE). Research increasingly asserts that global discourse about women’s roles in preventing violent extremism tends to represent women in highly gender-stereotypical and limited ways, and women’s lived experiences with violent extremism are often missing from these accounts. The chapter suggests that these limitations are related to whose voices are heard, and how knowledge is produced, and circulated. Starting from an understanding of the omissions and silences in the global episteme as forms of epistemic violence, the chapter discusses the ways in which knowledge about Malian women’s experiences challenges, expands and feeds into the P/CVE episteme (or not). The analysis is based on a combination of sources, including reports and published accounts, reports from international and Malian human rights NGOs and statements by Malian activists to the UN Security Council.
Earth to Orbit - Building Bridges in Space (DISCOVER)
DISCOVER analyses the key drivers of cooperation and conflict in space governance, highlighting the importance of international collaboration for global security and the stability of m...
The Joint Expeditionary Force and its Contribution to European Security
The paper has three chapters. Chapter I identifies and assesses the advantages of the Joint Expeditionary Force (JEF) and makes a comparison with other European defence and security frameworks. Chapter II examines how the JEF has responded to Russia’s war against Ukraine and the subsequent dramatic changes it has driven in European security. Chapter III considers the challenges to the UK, the JEF and European security following the war in Ukraine and the 2024 US presidential election. It provides recommendations for the new UK government for the further development of the JEF to best contribute to European security. The Conclusion argues that the UK must take the opportunity to strengthen the JEF to respond to a deteriorating security environment.
How to Support Ukraine: Peace Will Require Ukrainian Strength
A revived Western effort to finance Ukraine’s war effort will send a clear message to Russia of the West’s commitment. It may also help revitalize the West’s defense industrial production and leave U.S. and European security on firmer footing. This will be costly, but it is a cost that both the United States and Europe can easily manage. Furthermore, continued Western support should go hand in hand with a renewed effort to address its critical manpower shortages. The war and the world may be currently turning against Ukraine. But this is not a permanent condition. Russia is also suffering greatly, experiencing massive battlefield losses and economic strain. Europe, the United States, and Ukraine can turn the tide of the conflict back in Kyiv’s direction. Doing so is likely the only way to bring Russia to the negotiating table.
Kan Trump avslutte krigen?
President-elect Donald Trump’s statements claiming he will end the war in Ukraine within 24 hours have received considerable attention. What is interesting is not the feasibility of achieving this within a day – which no one believes – but rather the fact that he expresses a desire to bring the war to an end. President Biden’s repeated pledges to support Ukraine “for as long as it takes” have been rightly criticized by Republicans and others for lacking strategic vision. Trump, by contrast, appears to seek a plan to conclude the conflict. However, there is a significant difference between the intention to act and the ability to deliver. What, realistically, can Trump do?