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Global governance

What are the key questions related to global governance?
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Publications
Scientific article

Trump, Putin and rejected greatness

Why do Putin and Trump undermine the international consensus knowledge that their national academic and governmental milieus have been so central to building?

  • Russia and Eurasia
  • North America
  • The Arctic
  • Climate
  • Governance
  • Russia and Eurasia
  • North America
  • The Arctic
  • Climate
  • Governance
Publications
Publications
Chapter

The Good, the Bad and the Ugly’: three levels of judicial control over the CFSP

By examining possible forms of judicial control over CFSP at different levels (‘the good, the bad, and the ugly’), this chapter aims to discuss the Court’s approach to the system of judicial control over the CFSP and to provide a holistic picture of possibilities and pitfalls. Having recalled the post-Lisbon developments in the CJEU’s jurisdiction in relation to the CFSP, the present contribution thus asks whether and, if so, to what extent remaining gaps in the Court’s control can be filled by involving other courts: both internally at Member States level, and externally by involving international and/or third countries’ courts. Our main argument is that the Court’s suspicion in relation to alternative judicial oversight may be legitimate. Yet acknowledged gaps in the EU system of judicial remedies in relation to the CFSP ought to be filled for the Union to meet the requirements of the rule of law.

  • Security policy
  • Foreign policy
  • Europe
  • International organizations
  • The EU
  • Security policy
  • Foreign policy
  • Europe
  • International organizations
  • The EU
Event
11:00 - 12:30 Europe/Oslo
NUPI
Engelsk
Event
11:00 - 12:30 Europe/Oslo
NUPI
Engelsk
15. Feb 2018
Event
11:00 - 12:30 Europe/Oslo
NUPI
Engelsk

Italian elections and the European prospective

Do national policies and political parties still play a role in the shaping of European and international policies in a globalized world?

Publications
Publications
Chapter

'Restore Moscow to the Muscovites': Othering 'the migrants' in the 2013 Moscow mayoral elections

Today, the Russian Federation has the second largest migrant population in the world in absolute numbers. The chapter looks at what role these migrants – and migrantophobia – play in Russian contemporary identity discourse through the lens of the 2013 Moscow mayoral elections. On the eve of these elections, Muscovites identified the large numbers of labour migrants in the capital as the most important campaign issue. This chapter explores how 'the migrant issue' was addressed at the candidate level as well as how it was perceived by ordinary Muscovites. First, it traces what images of 'the migrant' the candidates presented; how they assessed the potential for integration into Russian society; and what measures they proposed for regulating the flow of new migrants. Next, drawing on survey data, the chapter discusses to what extent campaign promises reflected the positions of the electorate on the same issues. It concludes that the Moscow electoral experiment of allowing semi-competitive elections contributed to pushing the borders of what mainstream politicians in Russia perceived as acceptable positions on migrants and migration policy, for at least two reasons: Firstly, incumbent mayor Sobianin faced stiff competition from the rising star of the non-systemic opposition, liberal-nationalist Aleksei Navalnyi, and had to find a way of outbidding him on the migrant issue. Second, in this more competitive environment, Sobianin could not rely on administrative resources alone, but had to respond to popular demands, to ensure an acceptable win: therefore, he had to appear as 'tough' on migrants. The experiment with semi-competitive elections in Moscow in 2013 thus demonstrated the limits of the Kremlin’s ability to fully control Russian nationalist discourse and also contributed to reinforcing the idea of 'the migrant' as the new 'Other' in Russian identity discourse.

  • Russia and Eurasia
  • Governance
  • Russia and Eurasia
  • Governance
Publications
Publications
Book

Russia before and after Crimea: Nationalism and Identity, 2010-17

Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014 marked a watershed in post-Cold War European history and brought East–West relations to a low. At the same time, by selling this fateful action in starkly nationalist language, the Putin regime achieved record-high popularity. This book shows how, after the large-scale 2011–13 anti-Putin demonstrations in major Russian cities and the parallel rise in xenophobia related to the Kremlin’s perceived inability to deal with the influx of Central Asian labour migrants, the annexation of Crimea generated strong ‘rallying around the nation’ and ‘rallying around the leader’ effects. The contributors to this collection go beyond the news headlines to focus on overlooked aspects of Russian society such as intellectual racism and growing xenophobia. These developments are contextualised with an overview of Russian nationalism: state-led, grassroots and the tensions between the two.

  • Russia and Eurasia
  • Governance
  • Russia and Eurasia
  • Governance
Publications
Publications
Chapter

Introduction: Exploring Russian nationalisms

In the introductory chapter, the two editors, Pål Kolstø and Helge Blakkisrud, argue that in Putin's third period as president, nationalism has become even more important for understanding Russian politics and society than before. Prior to the annexation of Crimea, the influx of low-skilled labour from Central Asia and the Caucasus had been creating strong migrantophobic sentiments in sectors of the Russian population, boosting support for ethno-nationalism. The dramatic events in Ukraine in 2014 onwards, however, radically changed the political scene in Russia. Nationalist movements in opposition to the Kremlin went into steep decline, while the nation rallied around its leader, President Putin, who for the first time explicitly used nationalist themes in his propaganda. At first glance, this development may appear radically new. However, our introductory chapter, drawing on insights from several of the chapters in the volume, shows how this pattern has precedents in Russian history: Russian state authorities have generally tended to use other methods of legitimation than nationalism, leaving the nationalist field to various societal forces. However, in times of crisis – as during the Great Patriotic War– a state-focused, imperialistic nationalism is fully exploited as a mobilising device, and any autonomous, popular expressions of nationalism are suppressed. Seemingly an oxymoron, 'imperialist nationalism' has in fact been a strong current throughout Russian history, competing with cultural and ethnic nationalism.

  • Russia and Eurasia
  • Governance
  • Russia and Eurasia
  • Governance
Publications
Publications
Scientific article

Religiøs autoritet og tynnslitt stat: Valgkamp i sjia-Irak

(Available in Norwegian only) Artikkelen diskuterer sjia-muslimske religiøse lærdes relasjon til statsmakt og analyserer hvordan religiøs autoritet tas i bruk som politisk valuta i Irak. Den tar utgangspunkt i fredagsprekener holdt i forkant av parlamentsvalget 12. mai 2018. Religiøse ledere har måter å generere autoritet på som politikere i svak tilstand mangler. Fremfor alt har Storayatollah 'Ali al-Sistani enorm prestisje, som var tydlig i valget. Artikkelen gjør opp status for Sistanis holdning til irakisk politikk og sammenstiller budskapet med posisjonene til systemkritiske Muqtada al-Sadr samt Jalal al-Din ‘Ali al-Saghir, som målbar interessene til den Iran-vennlige valgalliansen al-Fatah. Den viser hvordan Sadr og Saghir tøyer Sistanis autoritet for å tjene konkurrerende agendaer og setter storayatollahen i en vanskelig situasjon.

  • The Middle East and North Africa
  • Governance
  • The Middle East and North Africa
  • Governance
Publications
Publications
Chapter

EU climate and energy policy: new challenges for old energy suppliers

Climate policy will transform the EU energy demand mix. This has implications for the main suppliers of fossil fuels to the EU, foremost among which are Algeria, Colombia, Kazakhstan, Nigeria, Norway, Russia, Saudi Arabia and the USA. Norway has a better starting point for adapting to changing EU energy demand than the other energy suppliers and therefore represents a best-case scenario. Whatever Norway fails to do, the other countries are even less likely to achieve. The question is whether Norway has been quick enough to exploit the opportunities to play a proactive role in the EU’s energy transition. This chapter argues that it has not, dragging its feet on natural gas vehicles, Norwegian wind power, electricity interconnectors, green battery development and mixing of hydrogen into natural gas. Some possible reasons for the tardiness are Norway’s dual resource course of oil and hydropower, carbon lock-in, energy populism, resource nationalism and blind spots in the perception of Norway’s place in international climate and energy policy.

  • Regional integration
  • Europe
  • Energy
  • The EU
  • Regional integration
  • Europe
  • Energy
  • The EU
Research project
2017 - 2020 (Completed)

Great Powers and Arctic Politics (GPARC)

GPARC aims to provide up-to-date academic and policy analyses of how major powers (USA, Russia, China) set parameters for and intervene in the maritime politics of the Arctic. ...

  • Diplomacy
  • Foreign policy
  • Russia and Eurasia
  • Asia
  • North America
  • The Arctic
  • Climate
  • Oceans
  • Governance
  • International organizations
  • Diplomacy
  • Foreign policy
  • Russia and Eurasia
  • Asia
  • North America
  • The Arctic
  • Climate
  • Oceans
  • Governance
  • International organizations
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