Putin's technocrats: Loyal experts in wartime Russia
Why does Putin continue to rely on Western-trained technocrats in wartime – and what does this reveal about the strength and fragility of his regime?
Is the era of cooperation coming to an end?
International cooperation and the rules-based order as we know it is now at stake. The inauguration of Donald Trump in his second presidential ter...
Does ASEAN climate policy pay sufficient attention to public transportation?
Expansion of public transportation is a climate mitigation measure with many potential co-benefits and positive externalities: reduced congestion, lower air and noise pollution, improved road safety, and poverty alleviation. Most of the member states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) face serious challenges in all these areas. This paper therefore investigates how much emphasis the ten ASEAN member states are putting on public transportation compared to other areas in their climate policies. As the empirical basis for the analysis, a dataset was compiled of all targets and measures in the nationally determined contributions (NDCs) of the ASEAN countries. The analysis shows that only 2.2% of the sectoral mitigation targets and measures in the ASEAN NDCs relate to public transportation, and six of the ten NDCs have no public transportation targets or measures. These numbers are surprisingly low considering the challenges related to transportation in the ASEAN megacities and the numerous co-benefits of resolving them. Using the Avoid-Shift-Improve framework for sustainable transportation, the study finds that almost three fourths of the transportation targets and measures in the NDCs belong to the “Improve” category. This indicates that there is potential to further develop policies to “Shift” travel to public transportation and integrate them into the next round of NDC updates.
Foreign Investments and National Security: The Case of Russia
Foreign investments have played pivotal roles in China’s overall economic growth over the last several decades, but for different reasons and with varying intensity. In this chapter, we focus mainly on inward foreign direct investment (FDI) and perform three tasks. First, we provide an overview of the foreign investments that have entered China—since economic and market liberalization and internationalization reforms started in the late 1970s. Second, we consider inward FDI with regards to sectoral distribution, where most investments come from, and which sectors are most popular among foreign investors. Third, we discuss Chinese FDI policies and regulations with focus on motivations and seek to explain that although China has changed its regulatory measures considerably over the years, it has remained relatively restrictive and selective in terms of which sectors and types of investments have been, and are still, open for foreign investment.
Ukrainian counter voices: Conflicts and contradictions in Ukrainian politics
The war in Ukraine continues to rage, yet the country’s internal political dynamics remain an open question.
Counter-terrorism and mental health
We are looking into experiences and challenges from the UK’s Counter Terrorism Clinical Consultancy Service.
Taylor St John
Taylor St John is a Senior Research Fellow in the Research Group on Global Order and Diplomacy. Her research focuses on the politics and law of in...
Utenriks- og sikkerhetspolitiske holdninger i valgåret 2025
Verden er i rask endring og de siste månedenes nyhetsbilde har vært særlig preget av frykt, usikkerhet og konflikt. Russlands angrepskrig mot Ukraina føres fremdeles med stor styrke og Norge har i 2025 økt støtten til Ukraina betraktelig. Israels krig mot Hamas fortsetter og fikk våren 2025 en ny dimensjon da landet også angrep Iran. Norge har overfor Israel vært et av de mest åpent kritiske landene i Europa. Gjennom vinteren har Norges viktigste allierte, USA, sådd stor tvil og skapt usikkerhet knyttet til samholdet i det transatlantiske sikkerhetsfellesskapet. I tillegg har Donald Trump satt i gang et handelspolitisk tollkappløp som stadig er en kime til bekymring i Norge, Europa, og verden ellers. Mot dette bakteppet, og gitt at det gjennomføres stortingsvalg den 8. september i år, er det igjen tid for å ta tempen på de utenrikspolitiske holdningene i Norge. Derfor har NUPI gjennomført en opinionsundersøkelse der befolkningen har fått ta stilling til en rekke saker som preger internasjonal politikk. Vi kalte rapporten fra 2024 for «status-quo folket i en internasjonal brytningstid» fordi tross de store endringene i verdenspolitikken, var det lite endring å spore i den norske befolkningens utenrikspolitiske holdninger. Det inntrykket står seg også i denne rapporten, men med ett stort unntak: det er en betydelig endring i nordmenns holdning til samarbeidet med USA. Før valget i 2021 og sist i 2024-undersøkelsen mente opp mot halvparten av befolkningen at Norge burde samarbeide mer med USA mens omtrent en fjerdedel ønsket at Norge burde samarbeide mindre med USA. Dette forholdet har nå blitt snudd på hodet: kun 25 % ønsker mer samarbeid med USA, mens 42 % av befolkningen mener at Norge burde samarbeide mindre med USA. Den endrede holdningen til samarbeid med USA ser vi også spor av i andre deler av materialet, befolkningen virker generelt mer skeptisk til å følge USA-ledet politikk. I denne undersøkelsen har vi også inkludert to nye spørsmål for å måle om det er et stemningsskifte på gang i velgernes syn på utenrikspolitikken. I podkaster og på voksende alternative plattformer har det blitt hevdet at den såkalte konsensusen i norsk utenrikspolitikk står for fall fordi befolkningen er i utakt med myndighetene. Våre funn indikerer ikke noe slik stemningsskifte. De politiske skillelinjene i nordmenns syn på utenrikspolitikken er kjente, og det er ingen indikasjoner på grunnleggende konflikt eller mistillit knyttet til Norges utenriks- og sikkerhetspolitikk. De holdningene og holdningsendringene vi ser er som forventet ut fra tidligere NUPI-undersøkelser og opinionsundersøkelser ellers.
The state of peace in Africa
Join us for a timely discussion on the African Union's evolving role in peace and security — as Africa stands at a crossroads between conflict and opportunity, how can AU-UN cooperation help unlock the continent’s full potential in a changing global order?
What can a National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security do for Colombia?
Colombia launched its first 1325 NAP in November 2024, after a participatory process involving more than 1,500 women from different backgrounds across the country. Colombian women’s organizations are divided on the usefulness of the NAP: Some argue it can dilute attention from the 2016 peace agreement. Others believe it can have a positive effect on the implementation of the gender provisions of the agreement, which is lagging. The political context of increasing levels of conflict, failing peace negotiations and upcoming elections poses further challenges to the implementation of the 1325 NAP. The international community can support the implementation of the 1325 NAP through coordination-support, monitoring, awareness raising, and with technical expertise. This policy brief outlines the process of developing the NAP, the current political context in which the NAP is going to be implemented, and what challenges exist for its implementation.