Whose Revisionism, Which International Order? Social Structure and Its Discontents
While the distinction between status quo and revisionist states is well established in International Relations, only more recently have scholars begun to refine the concept of revisionism itself, emphasizing that revisionism comes in different forms. A number of typologies have been introduced to capture this diversity. In this article, we offer a critique of these typologies, highlighting how many of these works elide the rule-governed and contextual nature of what counts as revisionism. Building on an understanding of international orders as social structures, we argue that the revisionist character of state conduct can only be determined with reference to the conception of the legitimate ends and means current in a particular international order. This leads us to distinguish between three types of revisionism: competitive revisionism that is transgressive of the legitimate means; creative revisionism that is transgressive of the legitimate ends; and revolutionary revisionism that is transgressive of legitimate ends and means. We further emphasize that determining the revisionist character of state conduct always involves interpretation and judgment. The concern for analytical precision conveyed by the development of different typologies of revisionism must therefore be followed by an equally deliberate concern for the politics of revisionism—in both theory and practice.
Government allocates NOK 45 million to Geopolitics Research Centre led by NUPI
Government allocates NOK 45 million to Geopolitics Research Centre led by NUPI
Pathways for peace 5th Anniversary European Consultation: Are our concepts and theories of change for inclusion and prevention still relevant for o...
The UN and World Bank published a landmark report in 2018 on “Pathways for Peace: Inclusive Approaches to Preventing Violent Conflict.” The report urged a pivot to prevention, strengthened the business case for prevention initiatives, and highlighted new research on the importance of inclusion in efforts to prevent conflict and build peace. Five years later, the global landscape has changed significantly and is now grappling with a complex set of converging crises and cascading risks. In the context of the report’s 5th anniversary, the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI), in partnership with the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs of the United Nations and the Fragility, Conflict and Violence Group of the World Bank, arranged a virtual consultation with mostly European-based researchers, practitioners, and policymakers on 4th April 2023. The consultation was part of a series of events that are reflecting on the contribution of the Pathways for Peace report. The overarching question for the consultation was whether the concepts, and theories of change, that was at the core of the Pathways for Peace report - especially inclusion and prevention - are still relevant for our fast changing conflict landscape? This summary note captures the key insights gained from the European Consultation.
Rapport fra Respons-prosjektets åpningskonferanse, Oslo, 21. mars 2023
Åpningskonferansen for Utenriksdepartementets Respons-prosjekt fant sted på Sentralen i Oslo 21. mars 2023. Norsk Utenrikspolitisk Institutt (NUPI) var arrangør, og arrangementet var derfor organisert innenfor rammen av NUPIs årlige utenrikspolitiske konferanse. Tittel for konferansen var “Norsk utenrikspolitisk konferanse 2023: Respons – norsk utenrikspolitikk for en ny tid”. Programmet besto av seks sekvenser, med til sammen 28 innledere og ordstyrere på scenen. Åpningssekvensen risset opp det overordnede bildet, etterfulgt av egne bolker om sikkerhetspolitikk, utviklingen i nord-sør dynamikken og forholdet mellom Kina og Vesten. Konferansens to siste sekvenser tok for seg norsk utenrikspolitikk i møte med en internasjonal kontekst i rask endring. Statsminister Jonas Gahr Støre (Ap) holdt åpningstalen i den første bolken, mens utenriksminister Anniken Huitfeldt (Ap) deltok i panelsamtale i den siste bolken. Mesteparten av programmet foregikk på norsk, men enkelte innlegg og utvekslinger ble holdt på engelsk. Under følger en oppsummering av noen hovedtema og problemstillinger som ble drøftet i hver bolk.
Thor Olav Iversen
Thor Olav Iversen is a development economist with rich experience in working with international affairs as both a practitioner and an academic. At...
Central Asian Climate Policy Pledges Under the Paris Agreement: Can They Be Fulfilled?
The Central Asian region has been and will continue to be significantly impacted by climate change and all the region’s countries have pledged nation- ally determined contributions (NDCs) under the Paris agreement. This chapter aims to assess how likely Central Asian countries are to fulfil these pledges. To answer this question, we compare the NDCs to their respective national development programmes and historical trends. The results show that the countries of Central Asia vary in their ability to fulfil their pledges and that doing so will require structural changes to their energy systems, substantial investments in infrastructure and, most importantly, the alignment of their development plans with their declared climate goals. None of the countries have thus far engaged in structural reforms aimed at large-scale climate change adaptation and mitigation.
Critical Materials for Development: A New Trajectory for Norwegian Foreign Aid Policy
After over a year of war in Ukraine, the world experienced dramatic and negative ripple effects related to food, energy security and commodity markets. Global food and energy shortages are now leading to social instability, protests and conflict and putting increasing pressure on public finances. For instance, prices of basics such as oil and wheat are rising and resulting in severe food shortages in Egypt, Lebanon and Somalia. Low-income countries are likely to be hit hardest by increasing food and energy prices in the long run. As the war continues, various second- and third-order negative effects are likely to intensify.