Et samordnet forsvar: Standardisering som nøkkelen til interoperabilitet i NATO, EU og Norge
This policy brief builds on findings from research on NATO–EU coordination in defense standardization and gives an overview of key actors and their roles. The original study shows how interoperability and standardization are increasingly used as strategic instruments in Brussels, reflecting their growing political relevance beyond purely technical domains. At the same time, Norway face challenges in keeping pace with developments, partly due to limited resources and participation. Norway must therefore strengthen both its national capacity and international presence, not only to safeguard operational and technological interests, but also to ensure influence in shaping the standards and frameworks that will define future defense cooperation. • Anchor standardization efforts: Build competence and establish a national framework that clarifies responsibilities and priorities to ensure implementation in line with capability targets. • Strengthen Norway’s contribution in NATO: Invest in sufficient personnel, increase participation in working groups, and support the revitalization of the standardization committee through appropriate representation. • Position Norway as a learning arena: Use NATO exercises to develop interoperability, provide venues for technology development, and prioritize Smart Standards to enable rapid technological adaptation. • Connect Norwegian industry and research more closely to NATO- and EU-based opportunities and partnerships.
China Pushes Forward Climate Policy Steadily
• Although it functions as a rhetorical excuse for watering down ambitious climate targets in Europe and the US, China has in recent years seen quite a tangible acceleration of climate action. • It has slowed the growth of CO2 emissions, significantly expanded clean energy, and for the first time embedded carbon peaking and neutrality into the 14th Five-Year Plan. China’s climate strategy has shifted from loose energy-saving measures to the integrated “1+N” framework. • The recently released third Nationally Determined Contribution under the Paris Agreement sets out detailed sectoral and annual targets. So far, strong central government leadership, policy continuity, technical support from research institutions, and international pressure have reinforced the steady strengthening of climate policy. • However, balancing economic growth with decarbonization, ensuring grid stability, and managing risks from intensifying extreme weather will be critical to meeting long-term climate commitments.
Keeping the UK’s climate promise: restoring leadership through delivery
The UK holds a strong position on climate policy globally. However, it currently faces a significant implementation gap between its ambition and the domestic policies in place to achieve it. This gap puts its credibility as an international climate leader at risk. To resolve this, the UK should: - Take further action to bring down the cost of electricity. - Ensure the effective roll-out of existing schemes outlined to meet the 2030, 2035, and 2050 targets. - Strengthen the commitment to ending all new fossil fuel development. - Expand its international climate fi nance commitments. - Consider going beyond minimum targets for 1.5 degrees
From laggard to leader? Australia’s path to climate credibility
Climate policy has a somewhat chequered history in Australia. Progress has been inconsistent and ambition has historically fallen far short of the country’s fair share. Ambition has grown substantially in recent years, although recent targets remain insufficient to align with a 1.5 °C pathway. To build on its current trajectory and ensure the extent of its obligations are met, Australia should: - Reduce reliance on LULUCF sequestration in developing climate targets - Rapidly reduce reliance on and subsidisation of fossil fuels - Tighten and review the Safeguard Mechanism for industrial emissions reductions - Substantially scale up international climate finance
Norwegian Russia policy in times of war: Hidden but unavoidable dilemmas
This chapter is a part of the book 'Dilemmaer i norsk utenrikspolitikk'. The book is in Norwegian only.
Proxy Games and Freezing Conflict: Trilateral Identifications, Fear, and Agency in Russia-Georgia Relations Post-Crimea
This article argues that conflicts can be frozen through engagement in mutual trilateral identification games that marginalize lower-level political entities while elevating their danger through identification with threatening third-party Others. Drawing on and broadening the literature on national identity discourse, securitization, and foreign policy, the article theorizes and investigates trilateral identifications and combines two sets of such Self/Other/Other representations as they emerge in official language between two political entities over time. It analyzes relations between Russia and Georgia in the period following the onset of the conflict in Ukraine in 2014, after which Moscow intensified its activities in the post-Soviet space with reference to Western encroachment in its so-called “near abroad.” While Russia re-emphasized Georgia as a Proxy of the threatening “West,” Georgia reduced the breakaway republics of Abkhazia and South Ossetia to Proxies of Putin’s “expansionist Russia.” These evolving mutual identifications of Self and Other(s) not only rendered policy practices of diplomacy and negotiation less reasonable, but they also contributed to freezing conflict by removing the agency to act and compromise at the imagined negotiating table from the Proxy to the alleged “real” third-party Other.
Towards a Postliberal Global Order? The Crises of the Liberal West
This article is in Norwegian. The article discusses the weakened position of the liberal West in global governance, and the significance of Trump’s USA in this landscape. The first part of the article outlines three central ideological and geopolitical developments related to global order that run counter to the dominant dichotomies between the West and the non-West, democracies and autocracies. Although the world is changing, and the post-1989 form of liberal hegemony is in significant reverse, global politics will not become post-liberal any time soon. The second part discusses how the Western self-image as a unified liberal «us» has unraveled throughout the 2000s. First, Western states have systematically undermined some of the values and institutions they have claimed to represent. The gap between self-image and reality, in parallel with extensive outward moralization, has created a significant legitimacy crisis for the West. Second, the far right has become a central part of the Western political landscape. The new transatlantic community of values under Trump is not liberal, but radical right-wing. The tensions within the community of shared values will be there regardless of who’s in power in the USA. The conclusion is that it is no longer possible to talk about a unified Western liberal «us». Continuing to insist on it will only further strengthen the West’s internal and external tensions.
How Lebanon’s security sector works amidst state collapse
This paper examines how hybrid security orders in Lebanon were renegotiated during shocks, specifically the state collapse from 2019 to 2023 and the regional war in 2023–2024. It employs the framework of Areas of Limited Statehood to analyse the coexistence of formal and informal governance amid the Lebanese state’s challenges. The study contributes to the understanding of governance by focusing on ‘state effects’ – the tangible practices that emerge in such contexts. The analysis reveals that Lebanon’s hybrid security system employed flexible, bottom-up strategies to cope with the economic collapse, such as relying on international security assistance, circumventing regulations, downsizing activities and rent seeking. However, increased corruption risks undermining the stability these solutions initially provided. Additionally, the paper discusses the Lebanese army’s expanded role in the aftermath of the recent conflict with Israel, highlighting its challenges in enforcing UN Security Council Resolution 1701 while maintaining internal cohesion amid rising discontent among Hizbullah supporters.
Safeguarding the WPS Agenda across Africa amid a Changing Global Order
Over the past 25 years, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda has gained increasing prominence at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). UNSC engagement has focused primarily on the protection of women and girls – rather than on prevention or effective participation. Further, implementation of the agenda has been inconsistent and uneven across mandates. More recently, geopolitical tensions, a rise in authoritarian politics and escalating anti-feminist sentiment have further undermined the WPS agenda – often subordinating it to domestic political dynamics. This policy brief examines the state of the WPS agenda against a backdrop of dwindling donor funding and shifting global priorities. It reflects on key achievements by local women’s networks across Africa and considers how gains may be sustained and the agenda advanced amid new political and financial constraints. It argues that promoting the WPS agenda in an increasingly volatile political order requires a multifaceted approach that addresses the challenges posed by global conflict, inequality and authoritarian resurgence. This includes strengthening existing frameworks, expanding the scope of the agenda to address a broader range of issues and ensuring that women’s voices are meaningfully included in decision-making related to peace and security.