Researcher
Hans Jørgen Gåsemyr
Contactinfo and files
Summary
Hans Jørgen Gåsemyr (PhD) is a senior researcher at the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs (NUPI).
Gåsemyr’s background includes social science and Chinese language and area studies from Norwegian and Chinese universities. His MA and PhD degrees are in Political Science. Gåsemyr has previously worked for the UN in Beijing, and he has experience from national broadcasting.
His research is concentrated on Chinese domestic and international politics, with an emphasis on organizations and conditions for political, economic, and technology- and knowledge-related interaction between states and societal actors.
Gåsemyr’s project and publication activities are listed in the CV, in relevant sections of this web page and in the CRISTIN research portal.
Gåsemyr’s current and recent research projects include: China and Evolving Multilateral Craftmanship in the Age of Digitalization (CHIMULTI), Network for Research on Knowledge Relations (KNOWREL), Consequences of Investments for National Security (COINS), China and the UN Sustainable Development Goals, China and Multilateral Development Banks, and Norway-China Symposium for Research within the Social Sciences, Humanities and Law (NOKINSYMP).
Expertise
Aktivitet
Filter
Clear all filtersNorway’s handling of knowledge relations with states outside its security cooperation
Norwegian authorities have for several years actively promoted internationalization of the knowledge sector. This includes collaboration with authoritarian countries such as China and Russia, which are not part of Norway’s security cooperation. However, in the last few years, we have seen a clear turn towards questions of national security and the status of liberal norms garnering more attention, also with consideration to knowledge relations. We observe this in sharper warnings from the security services, revised legislation and regulations and new guidelines for knowledge collaboration with countries such as China and Russia. In this article we study these changes and discuss their possible implications. Empirically, we build on survey and interview data, and we examine policy documents and media reports on relevant incidents. In terms of theory, we draw on explanations grounded in the geopolitics and securitization literature. We argue that measures that are introduced to protect national security and liberal norms may also limit the operational space for independent research and thus change the parameters for academic freedom, especially in relation to activities with connection to actors from non-allied states. To avoid unnecessarily restrictive conditions, researchers and their institutions should actively demonstrate and communicate how they work to ensure responsibility in their knowledge relations. This is especially important in situations where ethical and security-related challenges are obvious.
Nordic countries and knowledge collaboration with authoritarian non-allied states: conditional openness with stronger demands for protection
The conditions surrounding international knowledge production and collaboration are changing. What has long remained a field characterized by overtly liberal and open practices is now subject to more scrutiny with regards to protecting national security and academic freedom. Developments concerning China especially, but also Russia, and other authoritarian states with knowledge-related ambitions have alerted authorities in many liberal, democratic states. This is the case in the Nordic region, too. In this focus edition, we study why and how stricter conditions for international knowledge collaboration are emerging in Norway, Sweden, Denmark and Finland. We are especially interested in problematizing and explaining what happens when stronger security concerns and calls for protection meet liberal norms, including academic freedom.
China and Evolving Multilateral Craftmanship in the Age of Digitalization (CHIMULTI)
Which international organizations develop responsibilities for digital technology (digitech) governance and how do major powers work to craft influence in these organizations? This is ...
How can China and USA compete without making war?
The world is rife with conflict and China and USA are engaged in intensified competition and rivalry. What will it take to steer the two superpowers from ending in armed conflict?
Kina sikter mot toppen
Kinas nye femårsplan er klar. Den sikter høyt opp og langt fram. Det store målet er at Kina skal bli et teknologisk og innovativt fyrtårn, før det...
Identity, Race, and the US-China Security Dilemma
Breakfast seminar: Identity differences and perceptions of race and racial stereotyping increasingly play a role in how foreign policy is being discussed in both the US and in China.
Norway: Between engagement and caution
The chapter covers Norway’s political maneuvering of its relations to China, and is part of a larger report in which many European countries and the EU’s China-policies are mapped. Norway seeks to combine engagement and caution in its approach to China, seeking collaboration on issues of mutual interest, while also protecting national security interests and the status of liberal norms internationally. Lacking an updated, comprehensive China strategy, Norwegian authorities have taken several steps to strengthen the coordination around China-related issues, It is, however, difficult to assess the effects of this or get a full picture of what Norway is aiming to achieve in its relations to China.
Government allocates NOK 45 million to Geopolitics Research Centre led by NUPI
Network for Research on Knowledge Relations (KNOWREL)
KNOWREL aims to facilitate research on knowledge relations through establishing a scholarly network, starting with Nordic partners, and extending it to colleagues around the world. ...
The China Policy During Søreide’s Tenure as Foreign Minister (2017–2021): Familiar Tracks and New Conflict Lines
The period with Ine Eriksen Søreide serving as foreign minister (2017–2021) provides an exciting window into the development of Norwegian China-policies. After a six-year freeze in the political relations between Norway and China, Søreide took on the task of normalizing the relationship and navigating it into a time characterized by sharpened conflicts. In this article, we seek answers to two central questions: how did the China-policies evolve during these years, and what explains the turn towards more security- and value-oriented measures in the second half of the period? We combine theories and explanations emphasizing the role of institutional stability, stepwise political change, and structural, international influence.