Creating Security through Immigration Control: An analysis of European immigration discourse and the development towards a common EU asylum and imm...
The purpose of this report is to discuss the extent to which immigration has come to be perceived as a security threat by European Union (EU) policy makers. The manner in which immigration issues are presented by policy makers at the European level is assumed to have substantive implications for the choice of instruments in the area. A second purpose is therefore to discuss the extent to which the development towards a common EU asylum and immigration policy can be interpreted as security policy strategy. Increased immigration during the last few decades has coincided with increasing unemployment and economic restructuring in Western Europe. The issue of immigration became increasingly sensitive in the late 1980s after the collapse of communism in Central and Eastern Europe, when a tide of illegal immigrants was expected to inundate the West. Today, images of ships loaded with refugees off the shores of Italy, or of trucks filled with illegal immigrants crossing the English Channel, have become disturbing, but no longer rare features of European newspaper headlines. The impression is that of Europe being ‘swamped’, and unable to deal with the hordes of people standing outside its gates wanting in.Since the aim of this report is to examine the change that has taken place in European perspectives on immigration, a study of political discourse will enable us to deconstruct a number of justificatory domains, which are supported by the members of the European policy community. The main hypothesis is that security considerations are clearly reflected in the establishment and development of asylum and immigration instruments following the Amsterdam programme. Another hypothesis is that the framing of immigration as a security threat has legitimised the introduction of objectives and instruments that have their origin in security policy. This is notably to be seen in the accession agreements with the Central and Eastern European applicant countries, as well in the so-called ‘partnership-agreements’ with immigrant countries of origin and transit. Having established the broader aim of this report, I propose two main and inter linked questions as the framework for the analysis: First: To what extent has the issue of asylum and immigration come to be seen as a security threat, and thus as a security matter at the EU level? Second: To what extent is the above question reflected in the objectives and instruments of the common EU asylum and immigration policy? Can the development towards a common EU asylum and immigration policy be called a security policy strategy?
Partnership and Discord: Russia and the construction of a post Cold War security architecture in Europe 1991–2000
This study analyses Russia’s approach to the construction of a post-Cold War security architecture in Europe from 1991 to 2000. The author examines tensions, contradictions and ambiguities in Russia’s policy that contributed to making both partnership and discord ingredients to Russian–Western security relations. For instance, how can we understand Russia’s intense opposition to NATO enlargement and NATO’s out-of-area operations in light of Russia’s own formalised cooperation with the Western alliance? And how can we conceive of Moscow’s enduring position that the OSCE should be the ‘cornerstone’ of Europe’s security architecture, considering what many observers have interpreted as Russian obstruction of, and non-compliance with, OSCE decisions and norms? The author seeks to answer these questions by tracing the Russian debate on national identity and foreign policy that emerged in the wake of Soviet dissolution.
Damage Limitation and Decline in Institutional Powers: Russia’s Perception of the EU as a Security Actor 1999–2002
The report will discuss whether or not Russian interest and endorsement of the EU’s security and defense dimension repeated the overall strategic perspective of the Primakov doctrine, which aimed at counterbalancing US unipolarism by playing on the differences between the US and Europe in international affairs. I ask this question since analysts are not equivocal to this end. Some suggest that “Primakov’s fall from power has not undercut the importance of multipolarity in Russian foreign policy. By analyzing perceptions, I seek to highlight the dominating trends in the discourse on the EU in Russia. This involves a broad orientation with regard to sources. Russia has engaged in a comprehensive debate on relating to the EU and NATO within the field of security, and the report draws on vast material from the security debate within research circles and official speeches and newspaper reports. Perceptions will be linked to the interpretive approaches of damage limitation or declining institutional powers. A definition of these two approaches will be given below.
Regionale og bilaterale handelsavtaler i Latin-Amerika. Konsekvenser for norsk eksport
Factors behind the environmental Kuznets curve. A decomposition of the changes in air pollution
Firms' export decisions - fixed trade costs and the size of the export market
Rammevilkår for norsk fiskeeksport
I en spørreundersøkelse ble 81 norske sjømateksportører også bedt om å kommentere ulike rammevilkår for eksporten. Dette notat oppsummerer resultatene fra denne del av undersøkelsen, uten å gjennomføre en full evaluering av de enkelte tiltak. Resultatene viser at toll og handelshindringer oppfattes som viktigst av ulike rammevilkår. Markedsføring og informasjon om handelshindringer fra EFF (Eksportutvalget for fisk) er også viktig for bedriftene, mens EFFs informasjon om enkeltmarkeder er lavere verdsatt. Mens mange norske sjømateksportører – spesielt små bedrifter - anvender GIEKs eksportkredittgarantier, mener en del av dem at GIEKs tilbud i markeder med høy risiko er for begrenset. Notatet reiser spørsmål om hvorvidt eksportfremmende tiltak i større grad bør rettes inn mot nye markeder i startfasen.
EUs utvidelse og handelsvilkårene for norsk fiskeeksport
Notatet analyserer hvordan tollbelastningen for norsk sjømateksport til søkerlandene kan påvirkes av EUs utvidelse. Norge har frihandelsavtaler med 11 av de 13 søkerlandene, og som følge av dette er tollen for fiskeeksport til disse landene null i de fleste tilfeller. Dersom EUs toll innføres for disse landene, øker tollen til 8.5% i gjennomsnitt fordi eksporten særlig består av varer med høy EU-toll (pelagisk fisk). I tillegg blir Norges konkurranseposisjon svekket fordi EU-landene får null toll istedenfor en tollbelastning på 5-8% i dag. Dersom Norge ikke får kompensasjon for økt toll, kan det føre til en betydelig reduksjon i eksporten. Ved tidligere EUutvidelser har imidlertid Norge fått kompensasjon, stort sett i form av tollfrie kvoter. Notatet argumenterer for at dette er sannsynlig også denne gang, selv om det juridisk sett ikke er helt selvsagt. Muligens vil en generell tollreduksjon være bedre enn tollfrie kvoter, fordi kvoter skaper byråkrati og ikke kan tilpasses endringer i handelsmønsteret.
Virkninger for norsk fiskerinæring av en ny forhandlingsrunde i WTO : Simulerte reduksjoner i handelsrestriksjoner i den internasjonale likevektsm...
En ny forhandlingsrunde i WTO kan medføre betydelige tollreduksjoner for fiskerinæringen. Dette vil bedre eksportmulighetene for Norge i mange markeder, men samtidig undergrave den tollfordel Norge har i EU-markedet i forhold til en del konkurrenter. Resultatene fra en analyse med den internasjonale likevektsmodellen GTAP med verden inn-delt i 26 regioner, viser at dersom bare tollen for fisk blir redusert i WTO, øker samlet eks-port-verdi av fisk for Norge. Handelen med EU går imidlertid noe ned, men dette kompenseres ved høyere eksport til resten av verden. Tollreduksjoner i andre sektorer som følge av WTO-forhandlingene kan endre utfallet. Liberalisering av landbrukssektoren vrir konsumetter-spørs-elen fra fisk mot landbruksvarer, og dette bidrar til mindre eksport av fisk. Liberalisering på industri-området fører til økt eksport av fisk fordi verdens inntektsnivå øker.