Tamta Gelashvili
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Tamta Gelashvili har jobbet som forskingsassistent i gruppen for Russland, Asia og internasjonal handel, og jobbet med prosjektet Dynamics of de facto state.
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Tøm alle filtreTrade and trust: the role of trade in de facto state conflict transformation
De factostater - ikke anerkjente enheter som løsriver seg og som karrer seg til et levebrød i utkanten av det internasjonale systemet - er ofte sterkt avhengige av eksterne patronstater for økonomisk hjelp og investering. Når morsstaten - staten som de factostaten søker å bryte ut av - svarer på forsøket på løsrivelse ved å innføre sanksjoner eller økonomiske blokkeringer, forverrer dette ytterligere en avhengighet av patronstaten. På grunn av manglende internasjonal anerkjennelse har de factostater ofte begrensede muligheter til samhandling med omverdenen utenfor patronstaten og morsstaten. En nærmere undersøkelse av en slik de factostat, Abkhazia, avslører imidlertid at de factostater kan ha noe uavhengig økonomisk styringsevne. Abkhasias manøvrering mellom Russland som "skytshelgen", Georgia som "morsstat", og det bredere internasjonale samfunnet (her eksemplifisert med EU) innen handel og økonomisk samhandling har viktige implikasjoner for vår forståelse av hvordan konflikter knyttet til de factostater transformeres.
Navigating de facto statehood: trade, trust, and agency in Abkhazia's external economic relations
Hvilke muligheter har ikke-anerkjente stater for å utvikle økonomiske relasjoner med omverdenen, og hvilke kompromisser må de inngå for å kunne lykkes? Artikkelen utforsker det komplekse forholdet mellom handel og tillit i sammenheng med ikke-anerkjente stater. De fleste slike de facto stater er avhengige av en sterk ekstern beskytter (patron). I artikkelen utfordrer vi imidlertid antagelsen om at de facto stater bare representerer brikker i slike patroners geopolitiske maktspill. Med utgangspunkt i en casestudie av Abkhasia utforsker vi hvordan denne de facto staten navigerer mellom Russland (patronen), Georgia (landet Abkhasia forsøker å løsrive seg fra) og EU. Litteraturen om konflikttransformasjon har lenge pekt på hvordan handel påvirker tillitt – men hvordan forholder dette seg når det er snakk om en de facto stat som mangler internasjonal anerkjennelse? Bidrar handel også her til økt gjensidig tillit, og dermed til mulighetene for konflikttransformasjon? Casestudien av Abkhasia viser at den forventede sammenhengen ikke inntreffer her: i fravær av formell anerkjennelse bidrar ikke økt handel nødvendigvis tillit. Forholdet mellom handel, tillit og anerkjennelse viser seg imidlertid å være mer komplisert enn forventet: vi finner lavere tillit til Russland, det vil si til patronen, og mer handel med Georgia, staten man ønsker å distansere seg fra, enn hva man ville forvente.
The Far Right Honeytrap: Georgian Media and the Mediagenic Far Right
De siste års mobiliseringsbølge av ytre høyre får naturlig nok stor medieoppmerksomhet. I denne artikkelen ser NUPI-forsker og UiO-stipendiat Tamta Gelashvili nærmere på forholdet mellom mediene og ytre høyre, med særlig søkelys på Georgia.
Dynamics of de facto state patron-client relations (DeFacto)
Nesten alle de facto-stater som overlever i noe tid har en "patron" eller "beskytterstat" som sørger for sikkerhetsgarantier og økonomisk støtte. Ofte har dette ført til at de fact...
Book review: Cas Mudde's "The Far Right Today"
The article reviews Cas Mudde’s ‘The Far Right Today’ (2019). The book remarkably summarizes decades of research on the radical and extreme right, arguing that the contemporary far right differs from its pre-2000s antecedents by its mainstream and normalized nature. ‘The Far Right Today’ is an (semi)academic equivalent of a page-turner. Mudde rationalizes far-right mobilization in a way that takes the edge off those terrified by the sensationalist coverage of far-right demonstrations, featuring tattoo-covered, black-clothed skinheads with combat boots, but also reminds those dismissing the far-right threat of the indirect and long-term impact of the mainstreaming and normalization of the radical and extreme right. ‘The Far Right Today’ is thus a must-read for students, researchers, policymakers, and those interested in up-to-date research on the far right.
From Direct Financing to Secularization: Rethinking State Policy towards Religious Institutions in Georgia
This policy paper aims at critically evaluating current policies of state funding for religious organizations in Georgia, arguing that the existing approach needs reassessment and reform. The paper argues that the current policies go beyond the frames of compensation of damage caused during the Soviet era, described in the 2002 Constitutional Agreement between State of Georgia and the Orthodox Autocephaly Church of Georgia. Regardless of the Agreement, the amounts of damage and compensation have not been calculated and yearly funding depends on the political will of the government, leaving ample room for arbitrary decisions. Moreover, the current policies are discriminatory, privileging the Orthodox Church, discriminating against religious minorities, and therefore jeopardizing the principles of secularism, religious freedom, and religious neutrality. This policy paper advances the argument that, considering the principle of secularism and religious neutrality, as well as the Constitution of Georgia, Georgian policymakers must rethink the existing policies of state funding to religious organizations and elaborate medium- and long-term strategies to refine the existing approach. Rather than maintaining the existing funding policies or eliminating state funding for religious organizations altogether, the state should take specific steps towards reforming the current legislation and practices. Specifically, the paper argues that, in the medium term, the state can ensure damage compensation for injustices experienced in the Soviet era after calculating the total amount of monetary or other support, as in the case of Hungary. In the longer term, support to religious institutions can be made voluntary, based on one’s belief (or non-belief), rather than political will of the authorities, as in the cases of Spain, Iceland, Finland, and Denmark.
Occupy Rustaveli: Overreliance on Space and the “Protest Fatigue" during the 2009 Cell Protests in Tbilisi
The paper aims to offer a spatial analysis of the 2009 protest movements in Tbilisi, the capital of Georgia, where the opposition activists occupied public space in an innovative manner, by placing prison cells on the main thoroughfare of the city. Rustaveli Avenue thus became the central space of contestation between the dominant powers and their opponents. Similar occupations of public space (the so-called “Occupy Movements”) have been widely researched; however, the case of the 2009 Tbilisi protests remain largely unstudied. Using Lefebvre’s ideas, the paper describes how political actors constantly produce the physical, conceptual, and social aspects of space. The paper studies the spatiality of political events that contributed to the Avenue’s meaning and function. After establishing the theoretical and historical background, the paper elaborates on the 2009 protests and discusses them from a spatial lens. The paper stresses the opposition activists’ overreliance on space, the absence of methodological, strategic planning, and the resulting protest fatigue. Finally, comparing the 2009 events to the 2011-2012 protests, the paper argues that overreliance on the significance of space can, in fact, decrease protest visibility and fervor, instead of increasing it.
Neo-Orientalist Framing of the 2011 and 2013 Egyptian Uprisings: A Case Study of The New York Times and The Washington Post
This thesis critically examines the US media framing of the Egyptian Uprisings in 2011 and 2013 to examine whether the coverage was relatively value-neutral or had a value-laden (Neo-Orientalist) perspective. The thesis aims to examine whether the Neo-Orientalist tendency among the Western societies to view religion as the key driving force behind political processesis manifest in the US media as well, or whether the two newspapers try to represent the above mentioned political and economic processes and grievances. To this end, the thesis looks at the articles published in The New York Times and The Washington Post during and after two major events: Mubarak‟s resignation in 2011 and Morsi‟s removal in 2013. A combination of quantitative (content analysis) and qualitative (critical discourse analysis) research demonstrates that news articles and editorials about the 2011 and 2013 uprisings include Neo-Orientalist frames. These articles consider liberal democracy as a universal normative model and contrast it with Islam, portrayed as a fundamentally different, homogeneous and antidemocratic phenomenon linked with instability and violence and singlehandedly influencing democratization process. Compared to 2011, Neo-Orientalist frames become more frequent in 2013; if in 2011, most units adhere to Fukuyama‟s view that Egypt would join the teleological march to liberal democracy, in 2013, the trend reverses and most units, like Huntington, exclude any possibility of democratization. The textual practices of naming, sourcing, presupposition, fore- and backgrounding, used to construct Neo-Orientalist frames, can be related to discursive practices, or the production of text, and larger social practices. As critical discourse analysis shows, the units show pro-Israeli bias and align with the US foreign policy priorities: both the general policy of liberal democracy promotion and the specific strategic interests in Egypt.
Political Opportunities for the Extreme Right in Georgia
Over the past several years, right-wing extremists have begun to proliferate in Georgia and their visibility has noticeably increased. More recently, far right groups even announced plans to form a joint party, the National Front, which will “take part in absolutely all political processes.” This policy brief discusses whether there are favorable political opportunities for right-wing extremist actors in Georgia to mobilize. The legal system of the country includes laws that restrict extreme right rhetoric and action. However, an analysis of Georgia’s political space shows that right-wing extremist groups are indirectly supported, or at least not openly condemned, by the ruling party and other political actors. In addition, extreme right opinions largely coincide with general public attitudes, meaning that there are significant discursive opportunities for mobilization. After discussing the factors that contribute to potential mobilization opportunities for right-wing extremism, the brief presents policy options to counter this process.
Georgia's Emerging Far Right
Ethnonationalism has been as common in Georgia as in other post-Soviet countries, but the far-right social movement has especially been gaining traction for the past five years, gradually becoming larger, more diverse, and more violent. The parliamentary elections approaching in 2020 create a window of opportunity for far-right actors to gain access to mainstream politics.