Åsmund Weltzien
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Åsmund Weltzien er kommunikasjonssjef på NUPI. Han har hovedfag i sosialantropologi fra Universitetet i Oslo, og har tidligere jobbet som forsker og forskningsleder i Telenor R&D og som diplomat og saksbehandler i Utenriksdepartementet.
Weltzien jobber for å fremme NUPIs forskning til et bredt publikum og til brukerne av forskningen vår. Han er spesielt opptatt av å bidra til at NUPIs forskere skaper sosial og vitenskapelig impact, å forbedre vår digitale kommunikasjon gjennom utvikling og eksperimentering, og å bygge nettverk blant fagpersoner, brukere og interessenter der kunnskap og innsikt deles på tvers av institusjoner og sektorer.
I Telenor var Weltziens egen forskning fokusert på utviklingen av nye digitale teknologier og hvordan informasjon og påvirkning spres i sosiale nettverk. I Utenriksdepartementet har han jobbet med ulike felt som norsk klimapolitikk, sikkerhetspolitikk, og europapolitikk. Fra 2011 var Weltzien en del av UDs Refleksprosjekt, som skulle bidra til utvikling av utenrikspolitikken gjennom offentlig debatt om sentrale utenrikspolitiske temaer.
Weltzien har vært kommunikasjonssjef på NUPI siden 2013.
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Tøm alle filtreMore teeth for the NATO-Tiger How the Framework Nation Concept can reduce NATO’s growing formation – capability gap
How can the Framework Nation Concept reduce NATO’s growing formation – capability gap?
Military non-alignment, political solidarity, and a retreat to territorial defence: how to understand the Swedish NATO-debate
Expectations for the Warsaw Summit: Conventional and nuclear responses to Russian belligerence
This paper describes two aspects of the changed security environment. First, it discusses NATO’s response to the new threats on its eastern and southern borders. The Alliance took a number of modest steps at the Wales Summit in september 2014 to deal with those, but were they enough? Will it announce a more robust response at the Warsaw Summit this summer? Second, what is the role for NATO nuclear policy in strategic deterrence? Why is this topic back in discussion after years of benign neglect within the Alliance? Given its sensitivity, this subject is unlikely to be discussed at the next summit—but perhaps it should be. This paper addresses some of the key elements of deterrence strategy in an alliance that has not had to think about the subject for more than two decades.
Can NATO’s new Very High Readiness Joint Task force deter?
This Policy Brief is an extended version of an article that first published in the journal Atlantisch Perspeetief (39:6) under the headline ”NATO’s new spearhead force: Credible deterrence?”
Kinas fremtid?
Hva vil Kinas fremtid være? Hva skal til for at Kina unnslipper mellominntektsfellen og blir en moden utviklet økonomi? Og hvordan er Kinas økonomi koplet til landets politiske system?
China’s Political Priorities in the Nordic Countries: from technology to core interests
Chinese policymakers have identified a number of priorities that motivate them to observe and interact with the Nordic countries. While one can assume that the Nordic countries appear far from frequently on China’s foreign policy agenda, they have unique competences and are open to increased engagement with China. Moreover, they are perceived as being easy to deal with and have become important partners in Beijing’s effort to forge closer ties with governments across the globe. This Policy Brief is based on the author’s report, China’s political priorities in the Nordic countries, published by FOI in 2014. The report focuses on China’s political priorities in the five Nordic countries during 2007-2013. It is based on an analysis of official statements, academic papers and reports from think-tanks, as well as interviews conducted with Chinese diplomats and Nordic officials and scholars in the Nordic capitals during the autumn of 2013. The author draws the conclusion that China’s overarching Nordicwide priorities include four main areas: to utilise the Nordic region as a sounding board and door opener; to acquire technology and know-how; to promote China’s core interests; and to improve perceptions of China.
Holding the borders, holding the centre: the EU and the refugee crisis
What has come to be called the ‘refugee crisis’ is the latest in a series of crises bedevilling the European Union – the four-fold monetary,budgetary, economic and financial ‘Euro-crisis’; a geopolitical security challenge posed by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine,the war in Syria and incursions into NATO airspace, and a looming Brexit, combined with the possible fragmentation of old EU member states like the United Kingdom and Spain. The ‘refugee crisis’ is the most serious of all. It encapsulates the EU’s failings and failures that other crises laid bare: the lack of long-term prevision and strategy, an overburdened decision-making system, and an outmoded conception of sovereignty. It goes to the very heart of the EU, for three reasons: Firstly, the cleavages it creates between member states add to those that have been dividing the EU since the early days of the Euro-crisis; secondly, the massive displacement of populations gives rise to complex problems, sparking controversies that weaken the social and political fabric of individual member states and feed into populism and enophobia; and, thirdly, the German Chancellor, who has played a crucial role in alleviating, if not solving, other crises, is facing domestic and European rebellions for her handling of the refugee issue. Will the agreement that the EU and Turkey concluded on 18 March 2016 manage to limit the influx of refugees, patch up differences, and re-establish Angela Merkel’s authority in Germany and in the Union?
Holding the borders, holding the centre: the EU and the refugee crisis
What has come to be called the ‘refugee crisis’ is the latest in a series of crises bedevilling the European Union – the four-fold monetary, budgetary, economic and financial ‘Euro-crisis’; a geopolitical security challenge posed by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, the war in Syria and incursions into NATO airspace, and a looming Brexit, combined with the possible fragmentation of old EU member states like the United Kingdom and Spain. The ‘refugee crisis’ is the most serious of all. It encapsulates the EU’s failings and failures that other crises laid bare: the lack of long-term prevision and strategy, an overburdened decision-making system, and an outmoded conception of sovereignty. It goes to the very heart of the EU, for three reasons: Firstly, the cleavages it creates between member states add to those that have been dividing the EU since the early days of the Euro-crisis; secondly, the massive displacement of populations gives rise to complex problems, sparking controversies that weaken the social and political fabric of individual member states and feed into populism and xenophobia; and, thirdly, the German Chancellor, who has played a crucial role in alleviating, if not solving, other crises, is facing domestic and European rebellions for her handling of the refugee issue. Will the agreement that the EU and Turkey concluded on 18 March 2016 manage to limit the influx of refugees, patch up differences, and re-establish Angela Merkel’s authority in Germany and in the Union
Financial Plumbing for Big Beer
This policy brief departs from the idea of studying multinational corporations’ “global wealth chains” (Seabrooke and Wigan 2014a, 2014b). This can tell us how companies protect and create wealth by decentering their corporate forms in advantageous jurisdictions. The brief proposes a method for studying global wealth chains, despite the data limitations that constrain the field, and applies this method to Carlsberg A/S, which is a brewery operating across multiple jurisdictions.