Hvor mye hjelp kan Norge få i krig?
Utenrikspolitikkens mål er å gjøre innenrikspolitikken mulig
I en mer tilspisset geopolitisk tid, er sannsynligheten økende for at verdens største statlig eide fond vil bli del av utenrikspolitiske problemstillinger. Både fordi skillet mellom politikk og økonomi er vanskeligere å opprettholde i 2024 enn på 90-tallet, samt fordi fondet er blitt så enormt stort. Andre land ofte verken skjønner eller godtar fullt ut at det er et skille mellom fondet og Norges øvrige politikk. Fondets framtid er av fundamental interesse for Norge. Norske myndigheter bør derfor forberede seg på at mer vanskelige utenrikspolitiske problemstillinger for fondet trolig kommer.
Gir inntrykk av «business as usual» i Arktis
Hvordan kan Kina og USA konkurrere uten å lage krig?
Verden er full av konflikter, og Kina og USA intensiverer konkurransen og rivaliseringen seg imellom. Hva må skje for at de to supermaktene skal styre unna militære konflikter?
Climate and Russia - Does the world need nuclear power?
Økende temperaturer på kloden må begrenses til godt under en to-graders økning. Det blir derfor svært viktig å gjøre energiproduksjonen karbonnøytral så hurtig som mulig. Er atomkraft det som skal til for å oppnå dette målet? I denne dokumentaren fra DW, snakker Forsker 1 på NUPI, Kacper Szulecki, om atomkraft.
Emigrant external voting in Central-Eastern Europe after EU enlargement
The European Union's Eastern Enlargement of 2004–2007 triggered a large wave of migration. While the influence of Central-Eastern European (CEE) migrants on Western European politics has been studied, the impact of outward migration and political remittances “sent” by expatriates remain unexplored, despite the salience of democratic backsliding and populist politics in the region. We ask how external voting among migrants differs from electoral results in homelands over time, drawing on an original dataset gathering voting results among migrants from six CEE countries in fifteen Western European host countries. Using models estimated with Bayesian ordinary least squares regression, we test three hypotheses: two related to the disparity of diaspora votes from homeland party systems over time; and one to the ideological leanings of diasporas. We observe a growing discrepancy and note that diaspora votes follow the ideological fluctuations in the country of origin but distort it, with CEE migrants voting for more liberal and more economically right-wing parties than voters ‘at home’.
Is liberal internationalism worth saving? Ad hoc coalitions and their consequences for international security
Slow responses and blocked decision-making of international organizations provide opportunities for ad hoc coalitions to fill functional and political gaps. Compared to UN peace operations, ad hoc coalitions avoid gridlock and high transaction costs, they are fast to set up, can be task and time specific, flexible and easily dissolved. However, they also have much lighter human rights and financial accountability frameworks, a patchy record of longer-term impact and can contribute to a more fragmented response to armed conflicts and threats to international peace and security.
Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics
Through detailed and wide-ranging analysis, the Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics provides a critical assessment of current and emerging challenges facing the EU in committing to and delivering increasingly ambitious climate policy objectives. Highlighting the importance of topics such as finance and investment, litigation, ‘hard to abate’ sectors and negative emissions, it offers an up-to-date exploration of the complexities of climate politics and policy making.
Semi-peripheries in the world-system? The Visegrad group countries in the geopolitical order of energy and raw materials after the war in Ukraine
What are the geopolitical risk implications related to the war in Ukraine for the raw material and energy policies of countries highly dependent on Russia? This paper looks at the Visegrad Group (V4) states – Czechia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia – as some of the most impacted countries and assesses their position in the emerging new geopolitical and energy order. V4 countries display a semi-peripheral position in the world-system, as defined by Immanuel Wallerstein. On the geopolitical level, they were balancing between dependence on Russia in energy and raw materials (a result of Cold War legacies) and economic integration with Western countries. However, after the Cold War, dependence on raw materials from the East went hand in hand with dependence on technology and investment from the West, as the V4 region saw the emergence of ‘dependent capitalism.’ The war in Ukraine may reshuffle these dependencies by changing the meaning of the ‘centre,’ for which such actors as the United States, Western Europe or China will strive after Russia's importance has weakened in the V4 countries. It may also create an opportunity to redefine the V4's semi-peripheral status. Drawing on an analysis of recent documents and governmental strategies that emerged in the aftermath of Russia's invasion in 2022, we offer a structured comparative analysis of the way V4 states responded to the crisis along four dimensions (positioning in the international political economy of energy and technology, role of the state, visions of energy futures, geopolitical and geoeconomic course). In the conclusions, we outline the main changes in the import of raw materials, fuels and technologies in individual V4 countries and consider the possible position of the region in the future energy geopolitical order.