The Joint Force of the G5 Sahel: An Appropriate Response to Combat Terrorism?
The Joint Force of the Group of Five of the Sahel reflects the commitment of African states to cooperate to address common security challenges. Yet, little is known about its counter-terrorism strategy for the region. This article focuses on the security pillar of the G5 Sahel, the Joint Force (FC-G5S), and provides a critical examination of its mandate to combat terrorism in the Sahel. It explains the context into which the force was deployed and provides an overview of its conceptualisation and configuration. It demonstrates that in its current form, there is a danger of advancing a security-first stabilisation strategy that relies heavily on military-led counter-terror operations to contain and deter the threat of terrorist groups which can have serious consequences for local communities living among insurgents. The article argues that while establishing firmer border control and enhanced intelligence-sharing between the G5 Sahel states is important, the current counter-terror response risks depoliticising insurgents, and neglects the sociopolitical and economic grievances and problems of governance that have enabled violent extremism to take root in the first place. Removing the categorisation of jihadist insurgents as terrorists only and understanding their multifaceted identities – some as legitimate social and political actors – would open up more policy responses, including dialogue and conflict resolution.
Donor-driven state formation: friction in the World Bank–Uganda partnership
The chapter explores the partnership relation between the World Bank and Uganda from 2000 and onwards. It demonstrates how the notion of politics frames apolitical development discourses, and argues for how the formation of partnership entails specific tacit governance mechanisms that have been central to the formation of neoliberal Uganda, the latter being the anthology's overall topic. The donor's governance mechanisms mediated through partnership are indeed powerful, but this does not mean that the aid recipient is prostrate and without any theoretical or empirical possibilities for resistance. The formation of neoliberal Uganda in the context of development aid should thus be understood in the nexus between external governance mechanisms and local means for translation and resistance.
Staten som bedriftseigar – problem eller berre syndebukk i handelskrigen?
Kva rolle speler statseigde føretak i den nye proteksjonismen?
Geopolitikk og oljefondet
Oljefondet har hatt sin «oppvekst» innenfor en trygg og stabil global orden. Det første innskuddet kom i 1996, i god tid etter Berlin-murens fall. Fondet har vært en stor suksess, men det har også gjort at Norge er mer eksponert for globale endringer enn før. Den internasjonale orden er nå i en brytningstid. Demokratiske systemer er under press, globalisering og åpne marked møter motstand. USAs rolle, som leder og systemgarantist, er også i forandring. USA er mer negativ til viktige elementer i internasjonalt samarbeid, som WTO og FN. Spenningene øker også i forholdet mellom USA og Kina, verdens viktigste økonomiske og politiske relasjon. I den nye amerikanske sikkerhetsstrategi er Kina beskrevet som strategisk rival. Mange ser på handelskrigen mellom som USAs forsøk på å demme opp for, eller redusere, Kinas geopolitiske innflytelse. Endringene i det globale politiske og økonomiske system endrer også rammene for Oljefondet. Jeg mener derfor tiden er overmoden for å utrede forholdet mellom fondet og geopolitiske risikofaktorer. Vi bør kartlegge dagens risikoeksponering, analysere hvordan globale skifter endrer risikobildet, og vi må vurdere om dagens retningslinjer er egnet.