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Vitenskapelig artikkel

Semi-peripheries in the world-system? The Visegrad group countries in the geopolitical order of energy and raw materials after the war in Ukraine

What are the geopolitical risk implications related to the war in Ukraine for the raw material and energy policies of countries highly dependent on Russia? This paper looks at the Visegrad Group (V4) states – Czechia, Hungary, Poland, and Slovakia – as some of the most impacted countries and assesses their position in the emerging new geopolitical and energy order. V4 countries display a semi-peripheral position in the world-system, as defined by Immanuel Wallerstein. On the geopolitical level, they were balancing between dependence on Russia in energy and raw materials (a result of Cold War legacies) and economic integration with Western countries. However, after the Cold War, dependence on raw materials from the East went hand in hand with dependence on technology and investment from the West, as the V4 region saw the emergence of ‘dependent capitalism.’ The war in Ukraine may reshuffle these dependencies by changing the meaning of the ‘centre,’ for which such actors as the United States, Western Europe or China will strive after Russia's importance has weakened in the V4 countries. It may also create an opportunity to redefine the V4's semi-peripheral status. Drawing on an analysis of recent documents and governmental strategies that emerged in the aftermath of Russia's invasion in 2022, we offer a structured comparative analysis of the way V4 states responded to the crisis along four dimensions (positioning in the international political economy of energy and technology, role of the state, visions of energy futures, geopolitical and geoeconomic course). In the conclusions, we outline the main changes in the import of raw materials, fuels and technologies in individual V4 countries and consider the possible position of the region in the future energy geopolitical order.

  • Europa
  • Energi
RP.PNG
  • Europa
  • Energi
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Publikasjoner
Kronikk

The USA treads in Ecowas' bed

Today, West African countries are gathering for a crisis meeting on Niger. The USA's parallel negotiations with the junta could undermine regional attempts to find a solution, the researcher believes.

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Publikasjoner
Kronikk

USA tråkker i Ecowas’ bed

I dag samles vestafrikanske land for et krisemøte om Niger. USAs parallelle forhandlinger med juntaen kan undergrave regionale forsøk på å finne en løsning, mener forsker.

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Bok

Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics

Through detailed and wide-ranging analysis, the Handbook on European Union Climate Change Policy and Politics provides a critical assessment of current and emerging challenges facing the EU in committing to and delivering increasingly ambitious climate policy objectives. Highlighting the importance of topics such as finance and investment, litigation, ‘hard to abate’ sectors and negative emissions, it offers an up-to-date exploration of the complexities of climate politics and policy making.

  • Europa
  • Klima
  • Styring
  • EU
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  • Europa
  • Klima
  • Styring
  • EU
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Publikasjoner
Vitenskapelig artikkel

Convenience or complementarity: the African Union’s partnership with the United Nations in Sudan and South Sudan

Over the past 20 years, the United Nations (UN) and the African Union (AU) have developed a unique partnership rooted in complementarity, respect and African ownership. To reaffirm this partnership, the United Nations Secretary-General and Chairperson of the African Union (UN) Commission signed a Joint UN-AU framework for Enhanced Partnership in Peace and Security in 2017. Nevertheless, despite previous lessons learned, gaps in collaboration and strategic thinking, and oversight exist on the ground between the AU and the UN. Drawing on the case(s) of Sudan and South Sudan to further understand the AU’s partnership with the UN through the lens of complementarity and convenience, the paper arrives at a novel conceptualisation of the AU and UN partnership through their political missions. The paper finds that the AU-UN framework is sporadically implemented, and the AU’s role in the partnership on the ground is one of convenience, whereas, in contrast, the UN’s role is one of complementarity aimed at achieving legitimacy. The paper concludes that both organisations in-country were constrained by the lack of collaboration and synergy, which led to a misalignment of joint priorities, impacting the effectiveness of the partnership.

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Policy brief

Enhancing the African Union’s function in supporting transitional governments in Africa

In 2010, the African Union (AU) committed to establishing the African Governance Architecture (AGA) as a Pan-African platform to promote good governance, democracy and respect for human rights. The AGA was devised to support the implementation of objectives outlined in the legal and policy pronouncements in the AU’s shared values. However, over the past few years, despite the efforts of this pillar, there has been a noticeable decline in democracy, governance and human rights values in some AU member states. The emergence of coups and constitutional changes has coincided with a trend in the use of transitional agreements/ governments across Africa. Many of these transitional agreements are stagnant, fail to deal with the root causes of grievances (they neglect the challenges that transitional governments must navigate), and often delay steps towards democratic consolidation. Instead they produce forms of military government that entrench authoritarian rule led by military actors who use the transitional agreements to eventually deliver electoral authoritarianism. This paper explores the rise, implementation and effectiveness (processes) of transitional agreements in six African states. It contends that the recent launch of the AU’s Africa Facility to Support Inclusive Transitions in conjunction with the United Nations Development Programme is a worthy effort for supporting transitions in Africa. However, it argues that the AU needs to strengthen the AGA pillar and put in place better provisions to support transition mechanisms. It must develop context-specific adaptive stabilisation strategies to support the different forms of transitional government(s), systems, mechanisms and institutions underpinning these transitions to avoid the emergence of an array of transitional governments that do not deliver for the affected communities. Finally, steps must be taken to deal with the root causes of coups etc., which initially receive widespread support, but might indicate that civilian support may be linked to temporarily seeking solutions to the challenges (e.g., economic underdevelopment, centre-rural challenges, political isolation, insecurity etc.) that the government of the day has neglected to deal with.

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kapittel

Norway: Between engagement and caution

Kapittelet omhandler Norges politiske grep om relasjonene til Kina, og er del av en større rapport der mange europeiske land og EU sin Kina-politikk blir kartlagt. Norge forsøker å kombinere engasjement og aktsomhet i sin tilnærming til Kina, og søker samarbeid i saker av felles interesse, samtidig som Norge vil verne om nasjonale sikkerhetsinteresser og liberale normer internasjonalt. I fraværet av en oppdatert, samlet Kina-strategi, har norske myndigheter tatt flere grep for å styrke koordineringen rundt Kina-relaterte spørsmål. Det er imidlertid vanskelig å se effekten av disse grepene, eller se helheten i hva Norge jobber for å oppnå i sine relasjoner til Kina.

  • Utenrikspolitikk
  • Asia
ETNC.PNG
  • Utenrikspolitikk
  • Asia
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Publikasjoner
kapittel

Russiske spill i Ukraina-krigen: Innenriks- og utenrikspolitiske frontlinjer

  • Europa
  • Russland og Eurasia
  • Konflikt
Krigen i Ukraina.PNG
  • Europa
  • Russland og Eurasia
  • Konflikt
Publikasjoner
Publikasjoner
Vitenskapelig artikkel

Digital Supply Chain Dependency and Resilience

Mens en voksende mengde litteratur tar for seg hvordan stater i økende grad søker å sikre sine digitale områder og begrense avhengigheter, har det blitt viet mindre oppmerksomhet til hvordan digital infrastruktur påvirker deres evne til å gjøre dette. Denne artikkelen presenterer en ny tilnærming til å studere cybersikkerhet og digitale avhengigheter, med fokus på hvordan private selskaper påvirker staters evne til å sikre kritiske tjenester. I denne artikkelen analyserer vi digitale forsyningskjeder for å undersøke de tekniske tverrgående tjenestene, infrastrukturene og lokasjonene som populære mobilapplikasjoner er avhengige av. Vi argumenterer for at disse avhengighetene har ulike effekter på motstandskraften til digitale teknologier på nasjonalt nivå, men at det å håndtere disse avhengighetene krever ulike og til tider motstridende tiltak. For å studere dette fenomenet utvikler vi en metodikk for å utforske dette empirisk ved å spore og undersøke de spredte og ofte implisitte avhengighetene i populære mobilapplikasjoner. For å analysere disse avhengighetene registrerer vi rå datatrafikkstrømmer for så å geolokalisere de ulike avhengighetene til utvalgte applikasjoner sett fra Oslo, Barcelona, Paris, Zagreb, Mexico By og Dublin.

  • Cyber
cycon.PNG
  • Cyber
Publikasjoner
Publikasjoner
Rapport

Generation three and a half peacekeeping: Understanding the evolutionary character of African-led Peace Support Operations

African-led Peace Support Operations (PSOs) were established to support the African peace and security architecture by developing integrated capacities for deployment in crises. However, since the deployment of the first African-led PSOs, there has also been the emergence of new types of African-led PSOs, such as the African Union Mission in Somalia; the Lake Chad Basin Commission Multinational Joint Task Force; the Joint Force for the Group of Five for the Sahel; the Southern African Development Community Mission in Mozambique; and the East African Community Force in Eastern Democratic Republic of Congo. The paper examines why African-led PSOs have emerged, arguing that these operations have allowed for increased African agency and shaped the African peace and security space. The paper finds that African-led PSO reflects a more regional and local-specific response in a declining era of new United Nations peacekeeping operations but has also resulted in an overreliance on force to solve the continent’s peace and security issues. Consequently, the paper arrives at a novel conceptualisation of African-led PSOs, positing that they represent generation three and a half of peacekeeping which focus on the effectiveness of force and the morality of using force to deal with insecurity and multifaceted crisis.

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